Check out an analysis of Presidential power and Zimbabwe’s draft Constitution by Derek Matyszak, Research and Advocacy Unit (RAU) to help you broaden your knowledge before voting in tomorrow’s Referendum.

The political environment that is hostile to democratic engagement still exists. – Ozias Tungawara, Director of the Africa Governance Monitoring and Advocacy Project on there being a misplaced perception that a Yes vote for the draft constitution will deliver a credible election. (on SW Radio Africa)

The clampdown on dissent that is being witnessed in Zimbabwe currently is entirely at odds with the expanded bill of rights proposed by the new constitution. – Noel Kututwa, Amnesty International.

Let me say something about the draft constitution. There is nothing wrong with it, nothing at all. – Robert Mugabe (Deutsche Welle online)

We are going into the referendum to vote for it because local political and traditional leadership have said we must vote ‘Yes’ and this is what we will do. We also like the document because it limits presidential term limits and this is something positive given where we are coming from. – Jack Jimu, Talking Harare, CORAH’s newsletter

We hear that our children will go to primary schools without paying anything and this is very positive. – Miriam Manjoro on why she is voting Yes in the Referendum, Talking Harare, CORAH’s newsletter

Whilst it is good that there is a new constitution, I do not think it is going to change anything because we have seen good laws in the country being ignored when it comes to implementation. For example we have seen people being arrested, detained for a long time and then discharged without charge yet the country’s laws prohibit this. What is needed is to have leadership that respects its people first and then everything will follow. – Stephen Murefu, on why he is voting No in the Referendum, Talking Harare, CORAH’s newsletter

This constitution did not come from the people, I think you still remember people were forced to attend the meetings and coached by politicians on what to say. Even after that, the so-called principals went on to make unilateral changes to what had come out and so clearly, this is not a people’s document. – Maxwell Marembo on the Referendum, Talking Harare, CORAH’s newsletter

The message for Zimbabweans from this pen is that every patriotic son and daughter of the soil should become a watchdog against these pikinini politicians among us who want to feel big by working for and being bankrolled by imperialist powers that want to keep a stranglehold on Zimbabwe politically and economically. – The Herald

The government does not seem interested in this referendum. They only want it rubberstamped so they can have elections. – Clifford Mashiri

All we want to say is that his (Tsvangirai) closeness to Mugabe has become a problem. – MDC spokesperson Nhlanhla Dube

If the new constitution is to guarantee a free and fair election, there must be a political will by all the players. Without political baptism of the constitution, baptism by an observable change of our political behaviours, the whole exercise is futile. – Sondon Stalin Mugaradziko, the Secretary of International Relations in the MDC led by President Ncube

The words of the UN secretary-general, urging that last week’s Kenyan elections should be “credible and peaceful” have set a tone. No one is talking “free and fair”. If Zimbabwe’s referendum on Saturday is credible and peaceful, the UN, the Commonwealth, the southern African region and many others will breathe a sigh of relief. – Stephen Chan

Work in and for Zimbabwe. Help grow our nation. Check out the NGO job vacancies below. If you’d like to receive this sort of information, as well as civic and human rights updates, by email each week drop us a note saying “subscribe” to: info [at] kubatana [dot] net

Program Manager: Local NGO
Deadline: 22 March 2013

Purpose of Position
Responsible for writing funding proposals and programmatic reports to donors and internal departments and provision of technical oversight in planning, implementation, evaluation and reporting of program operations.  The Program Manager will also be responsible for building and leading a dynamic team of programme staff; establishing positive working relationships with various stakeholders, have major budget and management responsibility for delivering these program responsibilities. This is a senior management post.

Reporting Relations: Reports to the Director

Key Responsibilities
-Demonstrated practical project management experience covering all aspects of the project cycle from design through to evaluation
-Identifying and soliciting for funding opportunities within the donor community
-Designing program proposals, log frames, implementation frameworks and assisting Finance Manager with budgeting that is in line with donor and other office requirements
-Establishing and maintaining networking partnerships with other NGOs and stakeholders
-Conducting field visits, for the purposes of assessing and ensuring that programs are managed in accordance with internal procedures and in a manner that will promote good practice and maximize program impact
-Ensuring good relationships with donor community and internal support offices through ensuring that the organisation meets all contractual obligations and achieves high quality planning and implementation
-Conducting monitoring and evaluation, research and documentation
-Developing monthly, quarterly progress and annual program reports
-Provide proper supervision and management of staff and lead the establishment and functioning of a strong, effective and coordinated team
-Develop and ensure the proper implementation of a performance management system
-Proactively address performance issues through regular, constructive and honest feedback and coaching
-Identify necessary staff development, career development and succession planning strategies
-Ensure staff has the right tools to develop and innovate
-Oversee the recruitment and orientation of new staff under her/his supervision.

Core competencies, knowledge and skills
-A Masters Degree in Social Sciences, Communication or related qualifications
-A Diploma in Monitoring and Evaluation
-Minimum of three years’ experience in project management, implementation, monitoring and evaluation
-Strong financial and analytical skills and the ability to think strategically
-Multidisciplinary background in media, development and human rights
-Programme management and coordination
-Strong writing, research, communication and presentation skills
-Ability to manage several simultaneous projects in a fast-paced environment
-Good interpersonal skills, self-driven, highly motivated
-Ability to function independently with minimal supervision
-Ability to work under pressure, yet producing quality results is essential
-Ability to work in a multi-cultural environment, with different partners
-Integrity, diplomatic manner and professional discretion essential
-In-depth knowledge and skill in project design and proposal writing
-At least three years’ experience working in NGO sector
-Good understanding of the workings of major donors
-Advanced Computer literacy, including Microsoft Word and Excel;

Interested candidates meeting the above criteria should submit their applications and detailed CVs (with three references) to: progmanager2013 [at] gmail [dot] com

Only short listed candidates will be considered.

Communications Assistant: UNDP
Deadline: 22 March 2013

Contract period: 1 year

Under the guidance and direct supervision of the Communications Specialist, the Communications Assistant supports the implementation of the communications and advocacy strategies of the office to increase the standing and awareness of UNDP with partners, the media and the public. The Communications Assistant promotes a client-oriented approach in UNDP.   The Communications Assistant provides web management support to the UNRCO. The Communications Assistant works in close collaboration with the Management Support and Business Development, Programme, Operations and project staff in the Country Office, UNRCO, and UNDP HQ, as required.

For more information and to apply, please click here

Work in and for Zimbabwe. Help grow our nation. Check out the vacancies below. If you’d like to receive this sort of information, as well as civic and human rights updates, by email each week drop us a note saying “subscribe” to: info [at] kubatana [dot] net

Project Accounting Assistant: Centre for Sexual Health, HIV and AIDS Research (CeSHHAR) Zimbabwe
Deadline: 15 March 2013

Based in Harare

CeSHHAR Zimbabwe is expanding its activities and is looking for the following position to start working with the team immediately.
The position is fixed term contract with possibility of extension.
 
The Accounting Assistant is responsible for assisting in program financial management and management accounting. Reporting to the Accountant, the incumbent’s duties will include:
-Assisting in general grants accounting for CeSHHAR Zimbabwe
-Assisting in production of monthly reconciliations and management reports
-General implementation and monitoring of project accounting systems (eg Imprest System, Procurement system, financial systems) and policies
-To ensure compliance with plans and offer advice where deviations are discovered
-Preparation of organisational payroll and tax computation
-Any other duties as needed by the Project.

Qualifications and experience
-Diploma in Accounting/Professional courses such as Part C CIS, SAAA
-At least 2 years experience and knowledge of donor – funded projects funds management
-Good interpersonal skills
-Fluency in English and Shona

Applicants wishing to be considered for this position should submit full curriculum vitae with a cover letter stating clearly which area you would like to be considered for, copies of certificates and the names/contact information for three referees to:

The Finance &Administration Manager
21 Rowland Square
Milton Park, Harare

Or email: admin [at] ceshhar [dot] co [dot] zw

The successful candidate will be required to start as soon as possible.  Only short listed candidates will be contacted.

Driver: UZ-UCSF
Deadline: 20 March 2013

Background
UZ-UCSF Collaborative Research Programme on behalf of I-TECH is seeking suitably trained and qualified applicants to fill the position of Driver. The International Training and Education Center for Health (I-TECH) is collaboration between the University of Washington and the University of California, San Francisco. It is a center in the University of Washington’s Department of Global Health and has offices throughout Africa, Asia, and the Caribbean.

Qualifications and Experience
-A minimum of 5 “O” level passes including English
-Clean class 4 drivers licence
-Clean class 1 will be an added advantage
-Defensive driver’s licence
-Minimum of five years experience in driving
-Experience in working in research projects is an added advantage
-Fluent in both English and Shona or Ndebele
-Knowledge of basic vehicle mechanics desirable
-Good knowledge of the country roads and routes.

Responsibilities
-Ensures the provision of reliable and safe driving services
-Drives the Country Office personnel and other authorized personnel as directed
-Transports authorized passengers, deliver and collect mail,  documents, banking and other items as directed
-Ensure cost-savings through proper use of vehicle through accurate maintenance of daily vehicle logs, provision of inputs for the planned maintenance of the vehicle
-Ensure daily maintenance of the assigned vehicle through timely minor repairs, arrangements for major repairs, timely change of oil, check of tires, brakes, car washing etc
-Ensure that all immediate actions required by rules and regulations are taken in case of involvement in accidents
-Taking note of any faults that may develop on the vehicle and bringing them to the attention of the transport department as soon as possible
-Ensuring that the vehicle has the necessary accessory tools as should be equipped, e.g. jack, and wheel spanner and spare wheel
-Responsible for a project cell phone and ensuring that calls are restricted to business only
-Any other duties as assigned by the superior.

Interested candidates should forward four copies of their application letters, detailed Curriculum Vitae, certified copies of certificates to below mentioned address. Also email your CV to: hr [at] uz-ucsf [dot] co [dot] zw

Human Resources & Logistics Manager
UZ-UCSF Research Programme
15 Phillips Avenue
Belgravia
Harare

Only short listed candidates will be contacted.  Canvassing candidates will be disqualified.

Field Officer: Local NGO
Deadline: 21 March 2013

Duration of Contract: One Year
Applicant to start work immediately

An NGO working with youth on a peace-building project seeks applications from suitably qualified candidates for the post of Field Officer to be based in Buhera.

The Project
The project seeks to organize young people in communities to work together, despite the various divisions that may exist, in order to develop their communities, improve their livelihoods and curb violent conflict amongst the youth and their communities at large. The project promotes greater youth participation and incorporates various methodologies policy dialogue, livelihoods activities, leadership development and life skills activities.

The Candidate
The Field Officer shall be responsible for
-Recruiting youth to take part in the project
-Facilitating training in various themes of the project, among them, peace building, leadership and business skills
-Facilitating dialogue initiatives between the youth and the traditional, government and political leaders, both at local and national level
-Undertake follow-ups and monitoring of field activities
-The candidate must possess the following qualifications
-A degree in Social Sciences or any other relevant field from a recognized university
-Demonstrated experience working with the youth
-Possess a valid driver’s license
-Should be under the age of 35 years.

Priority may be given to applicants from Buhera and the regions around. Young women who qualify are encouraged to apply.

Please send your applications to pbvacancy [at] gmail [dot] com

Applications should include an updated CV including 3 contactable references, copies of qualification documents and a motivation letter.

Only short listed candidates will be contacted.

Here is an excellent piece by Derek Matyszak:

Can’t say no?

The constitution making process has revealed the utter contempt with which Zimbabwe’s politicians treat the electorate, from Operation Chimumumu of the outreach programme, to insulting our intelligence by constantly claiming that the document they have presented as the proposed new constitution reflects the people views, rather than the being result of inter-party negotiation, and then allowing insufficient time for most people to consider the substance of the draft.

Should, however, one reject the draft simply to punish the politicians for this arrogance and to demonstrate that the electorate refuses to be treated so shoddily? On the other hand, if, regardless of the process which produced it, a brilliant document has been prepared is one not being churlish and shooting one’s self in the foot by rejecting the draft? Hardly. Even the proponents of a “yes” vote concede that the document is a poor thing (but their own), the best they could do under the circumstances. It is, we are told, nonetheless “incremental progress” and we should thus vote “yes”.

We have heard this argument before. We were told that the Constitutional Commission’s draft of 2000 was progress and we should thus vote “yes”. But the people voted “no” because the draft did not achieve that which they had set as their objective, to reduce the vast powers of the President.

We were also told to support the GPA because, although the accord left Mugabe’s vast powers intact, it was the best that could be obtained under the circumstances, was incremental progress and was the means by which the integrity of the electoral process could be restored. A new constitution was presented as one of the instruments by which this would be accomplished.

This being the stated intention behind the constitution making process, the draft should be rejected on this ground alone. Its provisions will do nothing to restore the integrity of the electoral process. Certainly it contains hopeful clauses stipulating that elections “must be peaceful, free and fair, free from violence and other electoral malpractices” and that “neither the security services nor any of their members may, in the exercise of their functions act in a partisan manner; further the interests of any political party or cause; prejudice the lawful interests of any political party or cause; or violate the fundamental rights and freedoms of any person.” But the constitution very deliberately fails to include any remedy or steps that can be taken if there is no compliance with these provisions. They are thus little more than pretty window dressing designed to allow politicians to tell the naïve that the draft is not all bad.

If the new constitution was to address the issue of electoral integrity, then this was the moment to attend to institutional reform, particularly the partisan nature of the criminal justice process and security sector which has played a key role in subverting democratic choice in the past. The MDC politicians proudly tell those who have felt or fear the double whammy of the combined operations of the Commissioner-General of Police and Attorney-General, that this problem has now been addressed. The Attorney-General will no longer be in charge of prosecutions. This will now be done by a Prosecutor-General. They fail to mention that the draft specifically provides that the current Attorney-General, Johannes Tomana, will be the new Prosecutor-General, that the President has the ultimate power to determine his successor in any event and that Chihuri will remain in his post. Hence, rather than addressing partisanship in the application of the criminal justice system, the draft is carefully drawn to ensure that it continues. Similar criticism can be directed at the problem of security sector governance. To make the point, one need only take note of one of many adverse provisions: while in democracies the operations of the intelligence services are governed and regulated by statute, the draft again specifically includes a clause to ensure that this does not happen and allows the intelligence services to remain the unregulated plaything of the President and to be used for party political purposes.

The “yes” proponents either obfuscate these issues or ask us to focus on the “incremental gains” reflected in the draft. The incremental gains appear predominantly in the unquestionably greatly improved Declaration of Rights. Its provisions are better for women. Gay, lesbian, bi-sexual, transgender and inter-sex rights are also given strong support, albeit not by name. There is improved freedom of expression and the media etc.

These “incremental gains” in the Declaration of Rights do nothing to encourage a “yes” vote. They require an uncompromised and uncompromising judiciary and legislative reform to be realised. Contrary to the basic principle of the separation of powers, the draft ensures that the head of the executive retains control over both the judiciary and the legislature. Although there is an improved system of advertising for positions and the public interview of candidates for judicial office, if the President does not like the nominees that emerge from the process, he can by-pass this process and select candidates he finds more amenable. Similarly, the draft retains the President’s power over the legislature. Egregiously, under the present constitution the legislature consists of Parliament and the President who has the power to veto legislation. This is retained under the draft. Certainly, a two-thirds majority in Parliament can override the Presidential veto. But this is highly unlikely to happen in practice. The President is elected at the same time as the Members of Parliament. It is thus improbable that Parliament will comprise enough members opposed to the President, or of a different party, to counter his or her veto.

The “yes” and “incremental gain” proponents also disingenuously claim that once they win the elections they will amend the constitution to attend to these problems. But any constitutional amendment will require a two-thirds majority in favour in both Houses of Parliament. The current political configuration suggests the neither party is likely to be able to muster this majority. Hence, once the draft is accepted, the constitution making chapter will be closed and we will be stuck with a document that none regard as satisfactory for the foreseeable future. Politicians from the winning party, which ever that may be, are likely to be comfortable with the overweening powers of the President, even if the electorate is not. A “no” vote will keep the constitution making process alive, which might then continue under more favourable conditions, with a different balance of political power, at a later date. The GPA only requires that there be a referendum on the constitution before the elections – not that a new constitution be in place by then. So why the rush to bring the constitution making process to an end?

The rush is because the draft constitution provides a convenient fig leaf for SADC’s ineffectiveness and anaemic responses in the face of ZANU PF’s refusal to affect the reforms necessary for a credible election. None of the essential reforms necessary for the integrity of the electoral process have been implemented during the course of the GNU. It also provides a convenient escape route for SADC, facing yet another flawed election in Zimbabwe. SADC has already started preparing the claim that although “not all” the reforms provided for by the GPA were implemented at least the election was conducted under a new constitution – an approach which delights ZANU PF. From there will follow the non-sequitur, (based on the off key refrain that a new constitution will protect the integrity of the electoral process) that the vote substantially reflects the will of the people and the poll is thus acceptable. A “no” vote will strip away this fig leaf and close this escape route for SADC. The narrow democratic space in which the elections will undoubtedly be conducted will thus be there for all to see.

The advantages of a “no” vote are thus readily apparent. It requires one to peer very closely at the draft through thick rose tinted glasses to discern any advantages accruing from a “yes” vote.

- Derek Matyszak, March 05, 2013