Just in from the International Socialist Organisation (ISO):

COPAC Draft Constitution

Vote No to this elitist Peace Charter and Politicians Gravy Train. Vanorovambwa vakaviga mupinyu

15 Reasons to Vote No!

1. It was not written by you the people but by four leaders of the GNU political parties.

2. It’s not democratic! 33 Years rule by one man is enough. It allows President Mugabe, 89, possibly to rule for another 10 years, when he will be 99! Zvanyanya… He must retire. Even the Pope has, at 85.

3. It does not provide funded and time-defined rights to: jobs, education, health, housing, water, food, electricity, public transport, rural development; disability; social security and empowerment. It does not provide basic rights but only progressive rights which are subject to claw-backs and availability of funds to the State but there are no provisions to enable the State to fund the declared rights.

4. It’s not democratic! It retains the imperial executive president: “President wemasimba ose.” President appoints all cabinet ministers and most senior state, military and judicial officials; can unilaterally change laws, dissolve parliament or declare war. Provides no age limit. Allows current judges and AG Tomana to stay in office without vetting. No real Devolution of power is provided for.

5. It does not guarantee free and fair elections! The same June 2008 generals and judges will control the election process! No right to vote for the Diaspora. No right to recall corrupt or ineffective councilors or MPs; No proportional representation of MPs; No quotas for workers, farmers, youths or war vets.

6. Is a politicians’ gravy train: has over 350 MPs, 2 vice presidents and an unlimited cabinet! It abolishes death penalty mainly for men over 70 years …who are these and why them alone? Abolish the Death Penalty for all! In 2011 it was the Zim 45 facing the death penalty for treason charges of watching the Egypt video, today it’s the GV 29 political prisoners…Free Maengahama and Ors… Drop the charges!

7. No compensation for victims of past genocides, Gukurahundi, state violence like June 2008 and Murambatsvina. No transitional justice and punishment for perpetrators of crimes against humanity.

8. Attacks workers: no living wage; no full right to strike; denies full collective bargaining for civil servants; prohibits civil servants and municipal workers from political activity; no protection of contract workers; no time limits for finalizing labour disputes;  no exclusive Labour Court.

9. Attacks youths and students: No right to jobs, public work programmes  or economic empowerment; no right to education, grants or loans; no youths quotas in parliament/councils; no right to abortion.

10.  Attacks women: no 50-50% quotas in jobs or all public offices; no economic empowerment; no social grants and social security right; no funded maternity pay/benefits for all women; no right to abortion.

11. Attacks vendors and informal sector: no right to trade or work without harassment; no economic empowerment; no social security benefits. Attacks and scapegoats minorities like gays and lesbians.

12. Does not give land to the landless or for housing or compensation to ex-farm workers but specially protects the chefs with many farms; and compensates ex-white and foreign western farmers.

13. Is preparation for another elite GNU after elections, bringing together Zanu PF and MDC politicians, bosses and imperialists to make money and accelerate their policies of capitalism,  ESAP and neo-liberalism against workers, youths, women, farmers and the poor ["Eat what you hunt"].

14. It totally defends the capitalist system and property of employers and the rich. No nationalization under workers’ and communities’ control of natural resources like diamonds, platinum, gold and major businesses to fund jobs, education, health, water, rural farmers etc. No empowerment or employee or community ownership schemes! It’s a constitution for politicians, employers and the rich: the 1% of plutocrats or elites, and not us the 99%, the ordinary people!

15. No more half-backed promises of change or the crumbs COPAC is offering just because of elections.  Politicians lie to get into power but once in office they forget the people and start looting.  The  COPAC Constitution will cost over $130million yet the SA one cost less than $30million! Like the Lancaster one, this COPAC Constitution will become permanent and enslave us and future generations. Politicians think they own the people, who will just blindly follow them … Stop them

Vote NO!  Capitalism Kills …. Socialism is Life!  Vote NO!

Contact the ISO: iso.zim@gmail.com

Some reflections from a Kubatana subscriber:

Fellow comrades, it is shameful that we watched helplessly as the politicians manipulated the  Zimbabwe constitutional process. But what could one have done taking into consideration the lessons learned in 2008 where a well known power hungry, octogenarian delayed and denied election results, and used violence to cling to power after being overwhelmingly defeated by people power. Is it that politicians can never be satisfied, that they will never say enough? Or is it that we are so blind to see how much ruin they can do to our lives if we just watch in silence.This month Mugabe will turn 89. My father was forced to retire at 65 by the very government ruled by an 89 year old man, just think of it comrade! The time to act is now. Lets register to vote in our numbers . It is our right to vote. It is one of our powerful voices to change things for the better. Dear comrade the future is in our hands.

Lessons and challenges from the coalition government of Zimbabwe and Kenya brought together civil society representatives from the two nations under the weeklong Utetezi exchange visit in Zimbabwe. Kenya’s civil society members are in Zimbabwe to share experiences particularly in areas of national healing and reconciliation, governments of national unity and the constitution making process. The similarities between the two nations are just too many to ignore as the social, political and economic challenges experienced by both nations depict a similar picture. The two nations were once colonised by Britain and they both inherited badly written constitutions, which failed to address marginalization and injustices perpetrated during the pre and post-colonial era. The failed promises of independence saw further marginalisation of people and alienation of fertile land as the political elite amended and manipulated the constitution for personal gain.

Political power is now being used as a gateway to riches as the majority continue to wallow in poverty.

One can easily describe these coalition governments currently running both nations as initiatives brought about not out of good faith, but out of frustration. Zimbabwe, just like Kenya shares the same history of rejected constitutions. In  2000 Zimbabwe passed a “NO” vote over a constitution, which they regarded as not people driven and the same happened in Kenya in 2005 when President Mwai Kibaki tried to fast track a constitution, which had no input from the people. The same debatable issue around executive powers of the president, land, devolution of power, accountability, the re-structuring of the political system, the rule of law characterise the constitution making history of the two nations.

The exchange visit also focused on the role of civil society in shaping political discourse. The recent crack down of dissenting voices in Zimbabwe, particularly the politicisation of the work of civil society indicates the growing concern over the urgent need for reforms. Zimbabwe’s civil society was urged not to lie dormant but take its rightful place in society.

The journey to national healing and reconciliation resulted in the formation of the Organ on National Healing in Zimbabwe and the adoption of the Human Rights Commission, which recently came under fire for lack of independence and capacity. One speaker said that “change is not an activity but a process”, the current transitional period, which Zimbabwe is currently going through, could be compared to the situation where Kenya was ten to fifteen years ago. A constitution can remain a piece of paper unless it is put to use to solve the social, political and economic problems facing the nation. And if the nation is to progress political leaders need to drop self-aspirations and question the status quo.

Pocket sized printed versions of the Constitution are distributed in Kenya.

Zimbabwe lags behind.

Pope Benedict XVI is to step down; Pontiff says his age means he lacks strength to do job. More

Writing for the Mail & Guardian, Jason Moyo asks whether the MDC can still win the next election? Their call for change has worn thin.

A new constitution for Zimbabwe has been agreed on and now parties are looking to the elections.

So, what does Morgan Tsvangirai have to do to win this time? His biggest task will be to reignite the fizz of 2008, which has died down over disappointments in his party’s performance in government and his personal scandals. But there is hope for him yet.

This week, analyst Lance Mambondiani asked in an opinion piece: “Is it possible that we are experiencing a shift in the maturity of the voter, in which politicians are held to account based on their policies rather than their rhetoric?” Yes, but not enough. And as long as candidate quality and policy are still taken as secondary to removing President Robert Mugabe, Tsvangirai has a chance. His party can only win by targeting that “anyone but Mugabe” vote that has carried it for years.

The options on offer are stark: on the one hand, it’s a choice between Mugabe and Tsvangirai. The alternative is simply not bothering to vote at all, an increasingly appealing prospect for many.

Mugabe will run on his black-empowerment drive, promising rural communities near mining operations shares in the mines. Tsvangirai’s own economic policy, known by the acronym Juice, is vague at best. But lack of clear policy is not new to the Movement for Democratic Change and has never stood in its way before.

The MDC’s major struggle will be recreating its vibrant March 2008 campaign. The country’s economic collapse made Tsvangirai’s “change” platform far more appealing than Mugabe’s “100% empowerment” refrain. Tsvangirai ran a well-funded campaign, addressing thousands of red-card-waving supporters. Young people who had previously stayed away from politics came out to vote for the first time. There was a zest in the air, a great expectation that this time change was, indeed, coming.  In an unprecedented turn of events, the MDC was able to campaign freely in the rural areas. Having long been cordoned off by Zanu-PF militants, rural voters flocked to MDC rallies.

The results showed: Zanu-PF lost its parliamentary majority for the first time ever and Tsvangirai won more votes than Mugabe, although not enough to avoid the violent run-off that would follow.

Now, besides the mechanisms still needed to make the election a fair race, rediscovering its 2008 form is what the MDC needs the most. The events of the past five years have broken voters’ resolve: the violent 2008 election aftermath, the mind-numbing talks on the formation of the unity government and then its failure to bring about reform.

Although the economic growth of recent years is stalling, it is not as bad as it was in 2008, when hyper-inflation and food shortages bred deep resentment of Mugabe and drove desperate voters to the polls.

Tsvangirai will need to capitalise on Zanu-PF rhetoric that the party will revive the Zimbabwe dollar if it wins. The “Zim-dollar era” is a dark one for many and the MDC will need to play on those fears.

Tsvangirai’s personal scandals do not help. Those controversies showed that he, too, had built his own Mugabe-esque base of fanatical supporters. It wasn’t his fault, his lieutenants said – it was all some dark conspiracy. The scandals disillusioned many. The erosion in Tsvangirai’s support may not translate to backing for Mugabe or other rivals, but may simply keep people away from the polls.

In the previous election, many voters simply put an X against the name of any MDC candidate on the ballot. Nobody cared who the candidate was. But those voters now feel let down by corruption and lack of service delivery by urban councils run by the MDC.

There is little enthusiasm for the forthcoming election, which, including two referendums, will be the country’s eighth poll in 13 years.

A coalition against Mugabe would seem an obvious option, but it is unlikely. The bitterness between Tsvangirai and Welshman Ncube, leader of the smaller MDC faction, runs deep. In 2007, an attempt to forge an alliance failed, partly because the parties could not agree on who would get certain positions in government if they won. In his autobiography, At the Deep End, Tsvangirai said Ncube and his backers never had any clout. They “were simply riding on my popularity, in the forlorn hope that part of it would rub off on to them”. Many Tsvangirai supporters agree. The two men trade frequent barbs in public, many of the insults eyeroll-inducing in their pettiness. Tsvangirai recently dismissed Ncube as a “village politician”, to which Ncube retorted that allowing Tsvangirai to lead would be like giving a cyclist a bus to drive.

So with no strong policy platform and little chance of an alliance, the only real game the MDC can play is the same one it has played before. The old “change” mantra is really all the MDC has – and it will be tougher to convince voters this time around.

I have been bugging over the past few days, imagining and re-imagining the olive leaf Tsvangirai says he will extend to Zanu PF “moderates” when he assumes power. It appears to be a given that he will saunter into State House in the coming polls, never mind the doomsayers in the form of Freedom House.

But then Zanu PF does not think it is about to hand over the keys to anyone: Mugabe and his curious motley of Afro-optimists who nevertheless many say double as inveterate political misanthropes are firmly convinced Zanu PF will win.

It strikes me as kowtowing to the politics of meaningless appeasement when Tsvangirai says he will not hesitate to co-opt favoured Zanu PF officials into his perceived government. What is he saying about the men and women within the MDC-T who have dedicated their lives to unseating Zanu PF?  Are they less skilled in “statecraft,” to borrow from his own secretary general? And he would still have to be answerable to Zimbabweans who sprung him to power having these Zanuoids in his cabinet, that is if his own lieutenants allow it to happen.

If MT is surely sincere about this thing, I call it a thing because that’s what it is, he only pays into the hands of critics who say, he along with his top officials, remain Zanu PF at heart despite all pretence to the contrary, and we know such critics only have to point to what they see as his fabulous spending habits that only seeks to keep up with Zanu PF profligacy.

There is no one to appease in Zanu PF period. The only appeasing is the one he mentioned about appeasing the gods over the blood of pro-democracy activists!

The masses trust the MDC-T with their vote because of the promise of re-birth, of restoring Zimbabwe’s UDI economic juggernaut the same MDC-T policy czars love referring to but was decimated by Zanu PF.

Come on, this is politics, appointing Zanu PF officials into an MDC government is not only political folly of the highest order considering the fact that we know how the same people have plundered state resources to finance their political party activities, but we already know Zanu PF will never respond in like magnanimity in the event Mugabe beats Tsvangirai!

This is African politics for fuck’s sake where there has been cyclical abysmal failure to transplant “the US model of democracy” on the continent despite all evidence of parallel governments being run by the frivolous coalitions that defeat the whole concept of a truly bipartisan regime.

Perhaps MT has been misquoted, perhaps like Gabriel Shumba on the formation of his political party a few years ago, he was only joking, but this ain’t no laughing matter as he seems too eager to win over some Zanu PF folks, perhaps as his own political strategy that if he has them on their side, the military and other Zanu PF spoilers are kept in check?

Perhaps he needs to re-read the history of African politics and he will find that this fantasy will turn out to be a petard that will blow up on his already perforated face.