This morning, Newsday reported on the infamous National Youth Service programme, in particular plans to incorporate its graduates into the civil service. The youth service, according to ZANU PF politburo member Jacob Mudenda was established . . .

“to teach the youth political direction. The youths have always played an important role in campaigning for the party. They should also be given jobs.”

With the collapse of the education system and the flight of anyone who is able to the diaspora, Zimbabwe seems to be left with mindless thoughtless zombies. These same zombies, who’s unemployment level is over 90%, are primed for exploitation, whether they themselves recognise it or not.

With the revival, or at least debate about revival, of National Youth Service Centres (no mention has been made about reform) it appears that ZANU PF is readying itself to campaign for the undeclared, yet to be funded 2011 elections. The issue of the ‘people-driven’ constitution, all the rage a few months ago, has been forgotten and given a back seat, even by civil society and MDC-T, who were the biggest proponents of that pointless exercise.

The negotiated settlements, were thrown out the window giving ZANU PF, with it’s militarised institutions the upper hand.

The people of Zimbabwe should be afraid. The GPA doesn’t matter, the Government of National Unity is anything but, and politically naïve opposition parties have learnt nothing from the past twelve years.

It’s a good thing that Minister Biti was prevented from overlooking the request to include in the country’s budget an allocation for the removal of anti-Zanu PF graffiti. With Zimbabwe at such a delicate stage in its economic and social recovery, we cannot afford to have issues pivotal to national development being neglected. We appreciate that many senior government officials are new to their jobs, including the Minister, and it is therefore helpful that their unity government counterparts, who have the benefit of years and years of experience, are willing and able to assist in highlighting national budget issues that might otherwise be overlooked.

Take for example the sanctions imposed by the West. These illegal measures have made life very difficult for Zimbabweans, which is why calls for their lifting have been relentless. Through the national budget Minister Biti could aid the process to expedite their repeal and a good way to do this would be to establish a committee to lobby against them. The budgeted amount would need to be sizeable considering the work involved and related expenses – salaries, employee benefits, office space rentals, purchase of vehicles, office furniture and equipment. Not to mention the costs of organising conferences, seminars and roundtables to tackle the issue; but all for a good cause.

Another national project that definitely requires a focus in the budget is Indigenisation.  In Zimbabwe, it has become paramount that we get total control of our resources through the acquisition of controlling stakes in mines and other businesses with majority foreign shareholding. In order that the impact of Indigenisation is extensive and effective Minister Biti should provide money to change the names of all entities, both private and public, to reflect the principles of this policy. Thus, the names of companies, businesses, schools, organisations etc would be properly altered to bear the correct ratio of foreign is to native. For example, Shenyang Xinbei Restaurant could become Zhingu-Zhongu Restaurant while the party would be Zimbabwe African Nyika Union – Pamberi Front.

Whilst the youth of Zimbabwe won’t rule today, they are the future and must be equipped to play their part in national duty. To date, the government has done commendable work in this regard, providing vocational training to the country’s youth who would otherwise have become engaged in indecent activities. Considering that elections will be held next year, Minister Biti should bolster financial support for these training camps so that youth are not tempted to become involved in wrongful violence and other untoward activities.  A budget allocation towards improving the youth’s skills in combat is as pivotal to their personal education as it is to national security.

The country’s expectations are high and Minister Biti must navigate a tightrope.  However, if he puts aside party politics we can all be assured that the best possible budget can be structured for the nation.

Promise Mkwananzi suggests that massive protests by Zimbabweans will be the only way to get rid of the Mugabe regime. In his article below he appeals to the MDC to restore and strengthen their support with “grass roots oriented” organisations like ZINASU, the NCA and the ZCTU. Of course it’s questionable how much of a real constituency any of these NGOs actually has. But recently at the Progress in Zimbabwe conference held in Bulawayo, social and political commentator John Makumbe said that dictators do not hand over power through democratic means. Listen to John here, and read more of Promise below:

ZANU PF has repeated its mantra that they will not allow MDC-T to rule the country. The seriousness of their utterances can only be ignored at one`s own peril. This is exacerbated by an even more worrying development of declaring Robert Mugabe President for life. These are no illusionary rumbles, ZANU PF means it. This makes it clear that whatever reforms, if any, will be reached, the election will simply be another terrific war. Despite that, MDC will win that election because ZANU PF has no more support base whatsoever. Thus, in my view, you could for example repeal POSA, AIPPA etc but still retain the same undesirable conditions which they created, or even worse. This is because ZANU PF is not going to adhere to the normative legal/political/constitutional/ frameworks. They are just going to bar MDC rallies without any pretence of any sort of legal basis. They will either simply say you cannot meet or just send police and militia to come and beat the hell out of you, without having to explain anything. If they do this once or twice, you will be sure that MDC rallies will be a no-go area. ZANU PF will simply ignore international condemnation from the West while SADC/AU will just watch and declare the elections as unfair but still recognize Mugabe as President. They might even suggest fresh negotiations aimed at another GNU with ZANU PF in charge. Nevertheless, in a secret ballot, the MDC will and can still win the elections. In this dramatic scenario, I am trying to illustrate how much it will not be enough to simply rely on the normative democratic institutions alone. From the look of things, winning an election will not enough for one to govern. However elections provide a very good basis to launch a mass uprising against Mugabe and drive him out of office for good. This is especially so if Mugabe would, despite his violent campaign still lose the election dismally.

This by the way is a very likely scenario.  The first round of elections in 2008 provides a perspective. Soon after the election counting was done and rumors began to filter that the MDC had won the election. Impeccable sources have it on record that many in ZANU PF were preparing to flee. However, because the MDC still believed so much in the goodness of ZANU PF they helped calm the people by urging them to be patient until the results were officially announced. One might argue that this was a strategy to ensure that there is no chaos, which could provide ZANU PF with an excuse to declare state of emergency and suspend the results altogether. On hindsight, the calmness did not work in favor of the MDC. In fact, it allowed ZANU PF time to recuperate, re-strategize and launch a massive come back. ZANU PF went ahead to operate a de-facto state of emergency, leading to a violent June sham. We all know what happened. In 2002, again the MDC restrained its supporters, urged calm and hoped that Chidyausiku would nullify Mugabe`s victory. Of course Chidyausiku did not and will not that.

That is the premise of my argument: that under an authoritarian regime; you cannot rely on normative institutions alone. There is need for that extra push to be provided by the masses. The big question of course is whether the people are ready for such a costly enterprise, and my answer is yes, why not. The leadership must mobilize conscientize and prepare the people for this. There is no alternative to this. This would include mass protests such as stay aways, boycotts, demonstrations etc-compounded with the election defeat; such a situation will put Mugabe regime in a weaker position and will provide the international community with enough bases to pressure Mugabe to step down. It is also my contention that the rank and file of our coercive state machinery is sick and tired and want change. However, before the civilians can shake the corridors of ZANU PF rule, they remain limited in what they can do.  That is why it has become so imperative for the MDC to restore its relations with its grass roots oriented alliances such as ZINASU, NCA,  ZCTU and others who will be very crucial in this seemingly impossible task. There is need for further deliberative engagement!

A recent statement from Reporters Without Borders:

Bill would restrict public access to official information

Reporters Without Borders calls for the withdrawal of bill which is about to be submitted to parliament and which would allow the authorities to block public access to official documents including judicial decisions, new legislation and public records.

Announced on 22 October and called the “General Law Amendment Bill,” the proposed law’s sole aim seems to be to place additional obstacles in the way of access to information and thereby hamper the work of the media even more.

“Drafted by members of the coalition government’s Zanu-PF wing, led by President Robert Mugabe, this bill would just aggravate the already precarious situation for Zimbabwe’s media,” Reporters Without Borders secretary-general Jean-François Julliard said. “It is a political manoeuvre designed to prevent any critical examination of the government’s actions.”

Julliard added: “The bill is extremely dangerous as it would allow the authorities to adopt unjust measures without anyone knowing and without anyone being able to protest. It shows that the government is rejecting transparency in favour of secrecy and abuse of authority.”

Under the proposed law, the publication of any government document would require prior permission from the authorities. A human rights group or a journalist, for example, would need the justice minister’s permission to publish a judicial decision affecting the public’s rights. This would restrict the ability of ordinary citizens to monitor what the authorities do and, as such, it is contrary to the principles of good governance.

The bill’s announcement has coincided with a number of developments in recent weeks that have raised concerns about a renewed crackdown on the media. The government announced at the start of this month that no licences would be issued to new radio or TV stations. Two journalists, Nkosana Dhalmini and Andrison Manyere, were arrested while covering a public debate at the end of last month and were held for two days.

And an arrest warrant was issued last week for The Zimbabwean editor Wilf Mbanga in connection with an article critical of President Mugabe that was published after the 2008 elections. Mbanga has lived in London for the past six years.

Zimbabwe already has two laws that throttle free expression. One is the Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA), adopted in 2002. The other is the Interception of Communications Act, adopted in August 2007. The coalition government made significant efforts to limit their negative effects earlier this year, for example, by issuing licences to several privately-owned dailies. This bill constitutes a major step backwards.

If we are to have elections next year, we want UN and EU to come and observe the elections…what does it take for them to come and protect us? If it is money, we villagers in Muzarabani are prepared to sell our chickens and goats to pay them to come. We cannot have a repetition of 2008 where SADC observers were relaxing in hotels while we got beaten here!
- Mr Goto, during one of Heal Zimbabwe’s meetings at Machaya village Muzarabani

The Konrad Adenauer Stiftung Foundation, in collaboration with the Mass Public Opinion Institute hosted a conference recently for politicians, civil society and scholars to share their perspectives on Zimbabwe’s Transition. Among the presenters was Cyprian Nyamwamu who shared some experiences of Kenya’s transition.

In concluding his presentation Mr. Nyamwamu made the following remarks:

Monitoring and enforcing accountability in government must be made a systematic process that is carried out by political non-state actors. In Kenya this has been largely successful except that the entrenched culture of impunity makes it to secure behaviour change and governance.

The state cannot be left to reform on its own. It is the role of forces outside and inside the state to escalate the demands for reforms. This requires a deliberate construction of democratic movement that galvanises the energies to force democratic negotiations about the future of our democracies be it in Kenya or in Zimbabwe. Innovative strategies for ensuring sustainable reforms can only be realised if reforms are held within a political and transitional justice framework where reforms are broad rather than confined to some formal changes that do not open up the state to concerted reforms.

In Zimbabwe like in Kenya, democratic reforms and political transition shall not be sustainable without a thorough transitional justice agenda where public and private citizens, officers and groups get to account for violations and injustices that may have been committed in the past. A new democratic state and cohesive nation cannot be expected in countries where victors’ justice is the order of the day and where impunity has taken root.

There is need for the Inclusive government of Zimbabwe to be sustained even with it inherent limitations until the national democratic project is delivered. V.    It is our view that elections in Zimbabwe before 2013 shall not add value to the Zimbabwe democratic deficit. It is feared that elections before 2013 may precipitate a return to the multiple socio-economic, humanitarian and political crises that were witnessed in the aftermath of the 2008 elections.

It is hoped that the democratic forces in ZANU-PF, MDC, civil society, the private sector and other sectors of the political economy shall adopt an attitude of ‘no reforms no elections’. Reforms here must mean both reforms on paper and in the real world. Reforms cannot happen if the only logic of the political actors is power for the big boys. Those in power must be convinced including through positive sanctions to embrace and champion reforms for the sake of the people and the nation.

SADC must construct a better national democratic reform framework for Zimbabwe than the current one. In the 1989 Poland political Transition example, the President was offered assurances and immunities and Western European countries invested economic incentives into the reform pact that saw the end of the monolithic one-party state rule. This is important seeing as is the case that unlike Kenya, the international community seems ready to leave Zimbabwe to suffer on the ropes for longer. In the Kenyan case in the wake of the post election crisis, the international community made it clear that Kenya was too important to be left to Kenyans alone.