Here is another article from Rejoice Ngwenya entitled The Folly of African Entrepreneurship:

Zimbabwe, like most developing African countries burdened with the yoke of authoritarian oppression, force-feeds citizens with policy prescriptions only meant to satisfy political egos of ruling elite.  Imposing government ministries of ‘small and medium enterprises’ and ‘indigenisation’ would not suddenly turn Zimbabwe into an industrialised country.

Similarly, investing millions of United States Dollars in education infrastructure to offer business administration training would by itself not achieve much in economic growth.  It is in this context that my cousin who teaches block release students of Masters of Business Administration at a derelict Zimbabwean state university in the midlands city of Gweru makes a stunning observation about the folly of African entrepreneurship.  Notwithstanding the exploits of world-renown African businesspersons like Mo Ibrahim [Sudan], Patrice Motsepe [South Africa], Strive Masiyiwa [Zimbabwe] et al, there is a tendency for emerging economies to over emphasise the virtues of trading as symptomatic of entrepreneurial instincts in Africans.  Vast flea and vegetable markets in Cairo, Casablanca, Accra, Nairobi, Lusaka, Harare and Johannesburg cannot be credible litmus test for successful business, because, according to my cousin, they do not contribute to real economic development. This school of thought is supported by 20th Century economist Joseph Schumpeter.

Zimbabwean ministers of ‘small enterprises’ and ‘indigenisation’ – Sithembiso Nyoni and Saviour Kasukuwere respectively – epitomize the flourishing species of authoritarian regime praise singers who perpetuate the lie that simply buying and selling amounts to entrepreneurship.  Ironically, it is dictators that buy votes by deceiving citizens into non value adding, non innovative ‘income generating’ activities only meant to fill up ballot boxes. Wikipedia isolates Israel Kirzner as one in a few economists who associates entrepreneurship with innovation or value addition.  Importing clothes and cars from Dubai and disposing them off to Harare consumers has no value addition. Countries like Zimbabwe, Swaziland and the Democratic Republic of Congo are politically unstable, with a productive industry decimated by decades of senseless dictatorship, yet their economies are said to have ‘survived’ because of ‘enterprising and resilient citizens’. What a load of hogwash!

Says Wikipedia: “The entrepreneur is widely regarded as an integral player in the business culture of American life, and particularly as an engine for job creation and economic growth.” A country develops while its economy grows when citizens create new products and services that result in more people being employed, consuming and adding to the national fiscus. During electoral campaigns, dictators like Robert Mugabe splash out computers, buses and money to political sympathisers under the guise of ‘economic development and empowerment’. As a result of this patronage, the country fails even to produce cooking oil, soap and shoes because there are no efforts to encourage sustainable innovation. My cousin therefore is correct that Zimbabwe, like most African countries suffering from authoritarian dictatorship, will remain underdeveloped until we transform our political thinking.

No doubt the MBA students he encounters are victims of an education system that was meant to produce workers rather than innovators. It is a poisonous system that infects even financial institutions like Standard Bank Zimbabwe who seek survival from customers with ‘proven’ salary and wages rather than ‘risky’ entrepreneurship.  There is a link between sustainable entrepreneurship and financing, and this chain translates into long term survival of the banking sector.  In a 2009 paper entitled “Banking Deregulations, Financing Constraints and Firm Entry Size” Harvard academics William R. Kerr and Ramana Nanda quote Michelacci and Silva who stress that “better financial access explains why local entrepreneurs operate larger firms…”  In other words, the nexus between finance, entrepreneurship, sustainability and long term growth is an undeniable fact of life.

The Standard Bank, like most conservative ‘orthodox’ commercial banks, has this skewed policy imprint confusing innovation with entrepreneurship. And for good reason. The default rate for unsecured loans has been known to bring down the banking sector. Yet Kerr and Nanda have it on good authority that restrictive regulations in financing innovation are a negative force in the economic growth projectile. This is why it is critically important for us Africans to understand and appreciate the meaning and implication of true entrepreneurship. We must exorcise the demon afflicting banks like Standard that only salary cheques are safe as collateral in securing loans.

At one time in the early part of this decade, Zimbabwean banks or more specifically the financial sector, was registering phenomenal ‘growth’, yet citizens were getting poorer and GDP was shrinking. This was prelude to the ‘annexation’ of banks by Reserve Bank Governor Gideon Gono, and eventually others collapsed under accusation by [Gono] of perpetuating impropriety.  It was during the same period that inflation spiralled to six digits while Zimbabwe’s productive sector almost disappeared. But the strange phenomenon was of a booming ‘entrepreneurship’ in cross border trade, flourishing flea markets and countless trips between China, Dubai and Zimbabwe. In rural areas, young men were digging up the country side to extract and sell gold. Something was clearly wrong.

I therefore conclude this treatise by reasserting the need for us Africans to create new social and business solutions as an entry point to entrepreneurship. Deficits in public communication, governance, food, education, health, industry, commerce and infrastructure are an ideal opportunity to innovate for profit. This is what drives industrialisation, not selling jeans at open markets or vegetables and curios along the freeways. Moreover, financial institutions like the conservative Standard Bank of Zimbabwe defeat the cause of entrepreneurship by not promoting individual inventors but relying on wage and salary remittances. At a time when national productive capacity is below 40%, it is difficult to perceive how a serious bank can ignore entrepreneurs and non-profit organisations on its menu of attracting business. In its haste to pour scorn on ‘flea market entrepreneurs’, the bank has adopted collective condemnation even of those self-employed consultants  who sustained it with valuable foreign currency deposits when the Zimbabwe dollar was toilet paper.  What is now urgent is to overhaul Zimbabwean national economic policy to foster a commitment to innovation rather than flea markets and Chinese toy shops.

The Constitution Parliamentary Committee (COPAC) Outreach Programme is finally set to begin next week. In light of this, the ZESN/ZPP/ZLHR Independent Constitution Monitoring Project (ZZZICOMP) will be monitoring this process. Here is an excerpt of its press statement this week:

ZZZICOMP welcomes the long awaited launch of the Constitution Parliamentary Committee (COPAC) Outreach Programme on Wednesday 16 June 2010 by the three principals to the Global Political Agreement (GPA) President Robert Mugabe, Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai and Deputy Prime Minister Arthur Mutambara.

Of particular importance was the call by the Principals for peace and non-violence during the public outreach process in keeping with the provisions of Article 6 of the GPA, “it is a fundamental right and duty of the Zimbabwean people to make a constitution by themselves and for themselves” and “that the process of making this constitution must be owned and driven by the people and must be inclusive and democratic”. We acknowledge the commitments made by the Principals that the process must be undertaken in conditions that uphold the principles of inclusivity, tolerance, transparency and openness.

ZZZICOMP had noted with concern that prior to the official launch of the outreach; the process has been characterized by inordinate delays in the commencement of the outreach programme as stipulated in Article 6 of the GPA. The operating environment remains largely repressive thus impacting negatively on the participation by the public in the reform process.

Furthermore, as the outreach was being launched, the public was and still is clueless as to the dates on which the various teams will visit their respective wards as well as sequencing of the meetings. We believe this information is essential for the public to plan for their participation in the process.

In line with fulfilling its monitoring role ZZZICOMP will independently assess and evaluate the constitution-making process against established principles, benchmarks and standards of constitutionalism and constitution-making, including openness and transparency, inclusivity, legitimacy, accessibility and receptiveness.

Our goal is to objectively monitor, observe and report on the work of the Constitution Parliamentary Select Committee (COPAC), the public outreach programme, the work of the Thematic Committees and the Drafting Committee, and the final document produced in order to adjudge how democratic and transparent the constitution-making process is, and if it accurately reflects the input of broad and diverse popular participation. To this end, ZZZICOMP has deployed 420 monitors, as well as provincial coordinators and other key personnel on the ground across the country, who have all along been observing the operating environment in general, and are now well prepared and ready to monitor the process. Our monitoring teams are dispersed nationwide in order to systematically gather information during the consultative processes, to comment on the operating environment and any breaches of the IPA in relation to the process, and to highlight any violations, violence, or other discrepancies which occur in the constituencies and wards in which they are operating.

For further information and comments please contact ZZZICOMP on zzzicomp [at] gmail [dot] com

I’ve just been listening to audio clips from Derek Matyszak and Rudo Gaidzanwa’s thought provoking presentations at a recent SAPES seminar on gay rights and the Constitution.

Gaidzanwa says some interesting, controversial things, such as:

In Zimbabwe there is also the issue of HIV because of men having sex with men, which people don’t want to deal with; not the health workers, not the government, not anybody. Somehow people pretend that it’s not there. Quite a lot of married men have sex with both men and women in Zimbabwe, but it’s never something that is admitted, its never put in the public domain. Those men, when they go into the clubs in Harare, they’ll be consorting with other men who are gay, and they (the openly gay men) say but what are you doing here since you are heterosexual? And they say Mukadzi wangu ari kumusha (my wife is in the rural areas).

You can read and listen to this discussion here

Here is a statement just in from the Law Society of Zimbabwe:

The Law Society of Zimbabwe (LSZ) wishes to express its deepest concern at recent media reports that a government Minister has told villagers to defy a Court Order.

Minister of Presidential Affairs and ZANU PF Secretary for Administration Didymus Mutasa reportedly told villagers in Chipinge that they should not vacate Makandi Tea and Coffee Estates despite a Court ruling ordering them to do so.  It is the LSZ’s contention that the Minister may have committed an offence of Contempt of Court.

During the inaugural Joint Judiciary and Legal Practitioners Colloquium held in September 2009, stakeholders, among them members of the judiciary, expressed serious concern over the disobedience of court orders especially by state actors.

The LSZ notes that the Minister and others may be aggrieved by the decision of the Chipinge Magistrate in that particular manner.  However it is important to remember that any litigant has the right to appeal against any decision of a lower court up to the Supreme Court.

The LSZ calls upon the Minister concerned and any likeminded individuals to desist from inciting members of the public to disobey court orders.  Such actions, if they remain unchecked, may result in members of the public losing confidence in the justice delivery system and are likely to result in anarchy and lack of respect for our Constitutional order.

The LSZ further calls upon the Minister to immediately issue a statement in which he reaffirms his respect for the rule of law and the judiciary in Zimbabwe.  He is advised to assist the villagers to appeal against the Magistrate’s decision instead of taking the law into his own hands and advising them to disobey court orders.

Josphat Tshuma – President

Well done to the Mail & Guardian for their persistence:

SA government ordered to release hidden Zim election report By Alex Bell
07 June 2010
SW Radio Africa

The South African government has been ordered to release a hidden report on the 2002 elections in Zimbabwe, after a successful court bid by a local newspaper.

Since 2008 the Mail & Guardian has been trying to have the report released, amid widespread speculation that it contained evidence showing that Zimbabwe’s 2002 disputed election was not free or fair. Judge Sisi Khampepe and Deputy Chief Justice Dikgang Moseneke were at the time commissioned by then president Thabo Mbeki to visit Zimbabwe and report back on the state of the election. The report was handed over to Mbeki but never made public, although the former President insisted the electoral process in Zimbabwe was completely democratic.

The newspaper’s efforts to access the details of the report were repeatedly denied, leaving it little choice but to seek the intervention of the High Court. The government, now under President Jacob Zuma’s leadership, has seven days to release the report to the Mail & Guardian, after the High Court ruled in the newspaper’s favour last Friday. The government can appeal in that time, but their plan of action is not yet known.

Mail & Guardian Editor Nic Dawes told SW Radio Africa on Monday that he is “extremely pleased” with the outcome of the court challenge, calling it a victory for “freedom of information in South Africa.” He explained that there is a “sense” that the report “will say something very different to what Mbeki was saying about the elections in Zimbabwe.”

The government has argued that the report was ‘confidential’ and a “record of the cabinet and its committee.” They said it contained information “supplied in confidence by or on behalf of another state, for the purpose of assessing or formulating a policy,” and that the content of the report was not in the public interest. The government has also argued that the report would lead to a deterioration of relations between the two countries, as South Africa is the facilitator in Zimbabwe’s ongoing political crisis.

The newspaper has in turn argued that the report is of enormous public interest, as the 2002 elections were marred by vote-rigging, intimidation, violence and fraud by Robert Mugabe’s government, despite South Africa’s contention that the election was free and fair. Dawes also explained that the report was never handed to cabinet despite being described as a “document of cabinet,” and instead remained within the office of the President, rousing more suspicions of its content.

Dawes described the court’s decision as an important one for South Africans who he said were left “injured” by the government’s abysmal handling of the Zimbabwe crisis. Former President Thabo Mbeki faced international criticism for his policy of ‘quiet diplomacy’ towards Zimbabwe; a policy that many say has crippled South Africa’s own reputation. Dawes said that it was a “painful and difficult period” for South Africa, because “it seemed to jar with our own democratic values.”

“The truth of the report might be a way to address some of the hurt and frustration by reasserting our democratic values,” Dawes said, expressing hope that the Zuma administration won’t fight the court’s ruling “too hard.”

“The Zuma administration has taken a more robust and assertive approach than Mbeki, and appealing this ruling and hiding this report will be very damaging,” Dawes said.

At a press conference attended by the media and diplomats including a representative of the Embassy of Spain, the Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition condemned the persecution and harassment of civil society activists.  In a speech by Mr. Pedzisai Ruhanya, the Coalition demanded that the Government of National Unity brings to end the persecution.

Cases in point included that of Farai Maguyu, the director of Mutare based Centre for Research and Development (CRD). Mr Runanya said Mr. Maguyu handed himself to the police on the 3rd of June, after his family members and fellow CRD employees were severely threatened and harassed by state security agents. It is believed that Mr. Maguyu is being accused of publishing or communicating falsehoods prejudicial to the state in contravention of section 31 of the Criminal Law (Codification and Reform) Act. Mr. Maguyu is said to have had a meeting with the Kimberly Process Monitor for Zimbabwe, Abbey Chikane discussing human rights abuses and smuggling of diamonds from Marange.

The Coalition said that Mr. Maguyu was arrested in Mutare and transferred to Harare without any known reason, and was detained by the police for over 48 hours before trial, a period which is beyond the legal limit of detention before court trial. The Coalition views this detention as a punishment being put on Mr. Maguyu for “…exposing injustice and for speaking out for the oppressed people of Marange.” The Crisis also believes that the government is “…aware that Mr. Maguyu is supposed to travel to Israel later in June to give evidence at the Kimberly process plenary regarding abuses in Marange.”

The Coalition called upon the Kimberly process to order an investigation into the circumstances surrounding this arrest. The Coalition further warned the government that the world is following the development of this case and will not be silent about it. Mr. Ruhanya further warned the state against any further harm to Mr. Maguwu.

The Coalition saluted the CRD staff members who are reported to be still in hiding and promised to be firm in support of Mr. Maguyu whose arrest, they say, is unwarranted interference with his liberty and is not in recognition of Mr. Maguyu’s basic human rights.

The Coalition also expressed deep concern over the resurgence of attacks and harassment of civil society organization and activists. Citing various cases such as Mrs Getrude Hambira, the Vice Chairperson of the Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition and Secretary General of the General Agriculture and Plantation Workers Union (GAPWUZ) who was forced to flee Zimbabwe, the Zimbabwe Human Rights Association (ZimRights) director Okay Machisa who was arrested in line with a photo exhibition, and lastly the case of Gays and Lesbians of Zimbabwe (GALZ) employees who were reportedly tortured in police custody and later granted bail.

The Coalition further called for a complete overhaul of the government system “…to ensure that the judiciary, public prosecutors and state security agents are non-partisan, independent, impartial and professional.”

During the conference news arrived that Mr. Maguyu was finally brought to court on the 8th of June 2010, and the state was opposing a bail application by Mr. Maguyu’s lawyer.