At a media roundtable discussion on “Constitution in Transition: The Role of the Media“, which was facilitated by Professor Andrew Arato, various issues where discussed with regards to the current constitution making process in Zimbabwe. Various media groups attended the discussion including Kubatana.

Public participation in the on going constitution process is the only way we can have a people driven constitution. People need to understand that a constitution is a document that will be used by future generations. Currently Zimbabwe is using the Lancaster House constitution which has been amended 19 times, so in order to come up with a better constitution than the Lancaster one every Zimbabwean should be given an opportunity to have his/her views heard. On the issue of the role of media in Zimbabwe, I liked Professor Arato’s comments when he said “media as a monitoring tool can help to change behaviour of politicians in the constitution making process”. Media and civil society can play a role in the constitution making process by sensitising the public. I believe a lot needs to be done by media in publishing contributions from different sectors of our society rather than to hear a one sided story, especially from a political party trying to campaign.

Recently in Kenya they had their constitution making process and finally came up with a new constitution.  Social media played a major role. I believe new media can play a significant role in Zimbabwe especially in this era where people can now have access to Internet even on phones. We should not underestimate the power of new media.  Since the 2008 political violence many people in Zimbabwe developed this anti politics stance and a lot still believe that even the current constitution making process is only for politicians. The only way to change this kind of attitude is to raise awareness of the importance of the constitution making process so that there is full participation from every Zimbabwean. Since the consultation process is done we are now entering the collation of the information so that final draft can be produced.  People need to have access to the Lancaster house constitution, the 2000 draft (the one which was rejected), the Kariba draft and the final draft, which will be published soon so that they understand the difference and make decisions that best suit them. The role of media in this process is to ensure information reaches the people so that when we go for referendum no one can say I didn’t know what I was voting for.

Promise Mkwananzi suggests that massive protests by Zimbabweans will be the only way to get rid of the Mugabe regime. In his article below he appeals to the MDC to restore and strengthen their support with “grass roots oriented” organisations like ZINASU, the NCA and the ZCTU. Of course it’s questionable how much of a real constituency any of these NGOs actually has. But recently at the Progress in Zimbabwe conference held in Bulawayo, social and political commentator John Makumbe said that dictators do not hand over power through democratic means. Listen to John here, and read more of Promise below:

ZANU PF has repeated its mantra that they will not allow MDC-T to rule the country. The seriousness of their utterances can only be ignored at one`s own peril. This is exacerbated by an even more worrying development of declaring Robert Mugabe President for life. These are no illusionary rumbles, ZANU PF means it. This makes it clear that whatever reforms, if any, will be reached, the election will simply be another terrific war. Despite that, MDC will win that election because ZANU PF has no more support base whatsoever. Thus, in my view, you could for example repeal POSA, AIPPA etc but still retain the same undesirable conditions which they created, or even worse. This is because ZANU PF is not going to adhere to the normative legal/political/constitutional/ frameworks. They are just going to bar MDC rallies without any pretence of any sort of legal basis. They will either simply say you cannot meet or just send police and militia to come and beat the hell out of you, without having to explain anything. If they do this once or twice, you will be sure that MDC rallies will be a no-go area. ZANU PF will simply ignore international condemnation from the West while SADC/AU will just watch and declare the elections as unfair but still recognize Mugabe as President. They might even suggest fresh negotiations aimed at another GNU with ZANU PF in charge. Nevertheless, in a secret ballot, the MDC will and can still win the elections. In this dramatic scenario, I am trying to illustrate how much it will not be enough to simply rely on the normative democratic institutions alone. From the look of things, winning an election will not enough for one to govern. However elections provide a very good basis to launch a mass uprising against Mugabe and drive him out of office for good. This is especially so if Mugabe would, despite his violent campaign still lose the election dismally.

This by the way is a very likely scenario.  The first round of elections in 2008 provides a perspective. Soon after the election counting was done and rumors began to filter that the MDC had won the election. Impeccable sources have it on record that many in ZANU PF were preparing to flee. However, because the MDC still believed so much in the goodness of ZANU PF they helped calm the people by urging them to be patient until the results were officially announced. One might argue that this was a strategy to ensure that there is no chaos, which could provide ZANU PF with an excuse to declare state of emergency and suspend the results altogether. On hindsight, the calmness did not work in favor of the MDC. In fact, it allowed ZANU PF time to recuperate, re-strategize and launch a massive come back. ZANU PF went ahead to operate a de-facto state of emergency, leading to a violent June sham. We all know what happened. In 2002, again the MDC restrained its supporters, urged calm and hoped that Chidyausiku would nullify Mugabe`s victory. Of course Chidyausiku did not and will not that.

That is the premise of my argument: that under an authoritarian regime; you cannot rely on normative institutions alone. There is need for that extra push to be provided by the masses. The big question of course is whether the people are ready for such a costly enterprise, and my answer is yes, why not. The leadership must mobilize conscientize and prepare the people for this. There is no alternative to this. This would include mass protests such as stay aways, boycotts, demonstrations etc-compounded with the election defeat; such a situation will put Mugabe regime in a weaker position and will provide the international community with enough bases to pressure Mugabe to step down. It is also my contention that the rank and file of our coercive state machinery is sick and tired and want change. However, before the civilians can shake the corridors of ZANU PF rule, they remain limited in what they can do.  That is why it has become so imperative for the MDC to restore its relations with its grass roots oriented alliances such as ZINASU, NCA,  ZCTU and others who will be very crucial in this seemingly impossible task. There is need for further deliberative engagement!

I recently had the privilege of being at the ‘Progress’ in Zimbabwe conference organised by the Mass Public Opinion Institute, Bulawayo Agenda and the University of Johannesburg.

Various national, regional and international speakers participated, including: Amanda Hammar, Bill Freund, Blair Rutherford, Blessing Karumbidza, Brian Raftopoulos, Charity Manyeruke, Claude Kabemba, Easther Chigumira, Erin McCandless, Godfrey Kanyenze, Ian Phimister, Ibbo Mandaza, John Hoffman, John Makumbe, John Saul, Jocelyn Alexander, Josephine Nhongo-Simbanegavi, Joy Chadya, Kirk Helliker, Kumbirai Kundenga, Lionel Cliffe, Luise White, Mike Davies, Richard Saunders, Rob Davies, Roger Southall and Showers Mawowa.

Some of the stand out comments for me included:

• John Makumbe on The Parties & Their Politics: In Southern Africa, no liberation movement has ever handed power over to another political party. It is therefore obvious that liberation movements are necessarily dictatorial. So it is naïve to expect to remove them from power through democratic means. Any dictator who is susceptible to removal from power through democratic means is not a dictator. More

• Brian Raftopoulos on Labour’s Past, Present and Future: Raftopoulos discussed the ways trade unionists have tried to use an industrial relations discourse in order to avoid political intervention. Trade unions in Zimbabwe, as elsewhere, are very much children of the Enlightenment – they are very much those who have pushed for universal rights, and have often fought national repression through a recourse to a call for universal rights. This was interpreted by some as labour becoming ensconced in a kind of cosmopolitan Western discourse. Raftopolous found this wrong on two scores. Firstly, it misses the long historical precedent of this kind of discursive framework within labour – it’s not a new thing. Secondly, it assumes that because there is some agreement between international positions and the position of the labour movement in Zimbabwe, that the latter is complicit with imperialism. This is to assume that that whole project can be defined by how it is understood from outside, without looking at the local dynamics which are generating and producing those particular discourses. More

• Ibbo Mandaza on ‘Intellectuals’ and Progress in Zimbabwe: Radical scholars were systematically exorcised from positions of influence over the state. Mugabe’s Zanu PF is right wing, despite its anti imperialist rhetoric. The international community is less concerned about democracy and human rights than they are about stability. Thus, if it is accepted that there is a level of stability now as compared with 2008, this is accepted as “progress.” More

• Easther Chigumira on Landed Economies – Farming & Farmers Then & Now: Responding to Blessing Karumbidza’s presentation, Easther Chigumira questioned his convictions that farming “then” (as in the 1980s) is really so different from farming “now.” She noted there is still multiple farm ownership, still patronage, still bifurcation, but it is by class, not race. Key institutional structures, such as markets, are weaker than they were in the 1980s. Thus, she said, she was not as optimistic about new farmers, particularly given the long term degradation of the environment which has happened in the process. There is gold panning, sand mining, organised by suitcase farmers. Is that really progress? More

• Kirk Helliker on Civil Society – Strategies for Emancipation: Helliker argued that much of the conflict in contemporary Zimbabwean society is a discourse around state politics. The struggle is a struggle for state power. This, he said, marginalises more democratic radical popular movements – like the land movement – captured by state and delegitimisesd by liberals. He agreed that just because trade unions develop a position towards the state, and international capital develops the same position, this doesn’t necessarily that there is some sort of alliance, or that the trade unions are in the in pocket of international capital. However, he cautioned, there is a similar risk of reductionist thinking if you argue that the land movement was just an election ploy. This reduces the agency of rural people and war veterans to being simply pawns of Zanu PF. More

• Luise White on Zimbabwe Compared – ‘Progress’ in the Rest of Africa: White warned that governments of national unity simply reinvent the one party state with more international clout than the one party state has had since the 1960’s. She said this is retrogressive. There is now a single party apparatus that has access to international funding and donor participation. More

For a full listing of write ups and audio files from the different sessions, view the ‘Progress’ in Zimbabwe conference index page

SW Radio Africa this week launched Question Time – “where listeners get a chance to ask politicians direct questions,” hosted by Lance Guma.

The first guest this week was co-Home Affairs Minister Theresa Makone of the MDC.

One listener asked why the pivotal Home Affairs ministry had been shared between the MDC and Zanu PF, and how the sharing of this with Zanu PF’s Kembo Mohadi was going.

Makone replied: “On a personal level, and on a professional level, I can work very well with Comrade Mohadi. We’ve got absolutely no problem with each other and with the way we see things and the way they should go.” Listen here

Oh really?

Kembo Mohadi has been Minister, or co-Minister of Home Affairs for such incidents as the:

• Violent induction for police recruits
• Arbitrary and prolonged detention of diamonds campaigner Farai Maguwu
• The ban of Owen Maseko’s artwork on Gukurahundi
• Numerous arrests of human rights campaingers such as Women of Zimbabwe Arise, and their continued harassment
• Judicial harassment against GALZ staffers Ellen Chademana and Ignatius Muhambi
• Enforced disappearance of Jestina Mukoko and dozens of other human rights defenders

Some of these incidents, including the arrest of GALZ members, the banning of Maseko’s artwork and the detention of Farai Maguwu on specious charges for over one month have occurred since the signing of the Global Political Agreement, and the sharing of the Home Affairs Ministry. Does Minister Makone – and by implication the Movement for Democratic Change – really have no personal, or professional problem with of these actions?

Other questions asked the Minister by our SMS subscribers included:

• There was violence during COPAC . What is the stance during election period ?
• What’s being done on police officers demanding money on road blocks?
• Are we going to see free elections next year?
• I still note that long ques stil exist at passport office.what measures have u taken so far to improve situation considering that we are going into festival season and lots of pple need 2 travel?
• As the Minister of  Home Affairs what measures have u put in place to help the city dwellers from the tranpsort operator s exorbitant fares?

Listen to the full programme here

Participate in Question Time

Using new media tools Facebook, Twitter, Skype, e-mail and SMS, listeners are told in advance who the guest is and using the same media tools they can then send in questions for the presenter to ask on their behalf. On Facebook, Twitter or Skype you can reach Lance by typing lanceguma. On e-mail lance [at] swradioafrica [dot] com and in Zimbabwe text +263 772 643 871.

Bulawayo Agenda have just issued this report:

Hwange
Teachers in one of the schools in the mining town of Hwange are reported to have been arrested for being in possession of wireless radios. The radios were distributed to the teachers by PTUZ. There are suspicions that the arrests may be politically motivated. However, PTUZ and the Hwange Human Rights Youth Forum have organized a demo for Thursday against Police brutality and harassment. The two teachers are still in police custody.

Victoria Falls
Gushungo buses are said to have resurfaced in Hwange. The buses are plying the Hwange – Victoria Falls route for free to the residents of Hwange and Victoria Falls. The resurfacing of the buses is thought to be an election campaign method by ZANU-PF. It is also alleged that Zanu PF is funding funerals and birthday bashes of residents in Vic Falls with one resident having benefitted 21 crates of beer and 25 crates of soft drinks on her 50th birthday bash.  It is also reported that Zanu PF is dishing out ‘loans’ of between $500 to $1000 to youths and women in various parts of the country while  government has run out of funds for other important issues such as grants for the elderly and the disabled.

If we are to have elections next year, we want UN and EU to come and observe the elections…what does it take for them to come and protect us? If it is money, we villagers in Muzarabani are prepared to sell our chickens and goats to pay them to come. We cannot have a repetition of 2008 where SADC observers were relaxing in hotels while we got beaten here!
- Mr Goto, during one of Heal Zimbabwe’s meetings at Machaya village Muzarabani