I read with some kind of disgust the other day a story about ZESA managers who were fuming because Energy Minister Elton Mangoma had ordered the slashing of their salaries. They actually told the minister it was not his business to question their salaries. I wondered rather blithely if they would have responded with such brashness if this had come from a Zanu PF minister! But then it has become the typical story here where parastatals and state enterprises senior officials have continued to command ridiculous salaries when there is virtually nothing to justify it.

We all know about the mismanagement of these big concerns over the years with accusations that officials were riding on the back of Zanu PF patronage, and where in fact keeping up with the party’s streak of looting state resources. It is here where consciences have been numbed as the plundering of resources has rendered these state utility providers a huge burden on tax and rate payers with no service provision to speak of. So a minister who comes through with a broom to sweep the rot naturally becomes the bad guy because the logic is simple: no one ever complained before, and simply because – as some have claimed – these officials have been political appointees.

We read each time how South African government ministers are ever vigilant cracking the whip on unnecessary perks for officials who appear to think working for government is a sure way to bleed the purse. What then is amiss with Mangoma putting caps on salaries, or at least demanding that they get performance-based salary increments? Makes sense to me. We heard even from Ignatius Chombo the other week when he demanded a salary cap for Town Clerks where in some cases these municipality CEOs are reported to be earning monthly salaries of up to USD15,000.

Surely these salaries must be justified, and for a long time these people have been getting absurd perks that are not even based on performance, which reminds one of those US CEOs who run loss-making corporations but at the end of the year award themselves multi-million dollar bonuses, of course much to the chagrin of shareholders. Indeed Zimbabwe is in dire need of ministers who will put a stop to this nonsense.

We need more writers like Chris Kabwato. Every week he shares a refreshing and provocative take on Something. This week it’s leadership. Seen any in Zimbabwe lately? Thought not.

In search of a leader

AN ANCIENT text tells me the following:

A man will seize one of his brothers at his father’s house and say “You have a cloak, you be our leader; take charge of this heap of ruins.” But in that day he will cry out, “I have no remedy…do not make me the leader of the people.”

Now I am hoping as Zimbabweans we shall not end up having to choose a leader of the basis of what English writer Thomas Hardy’s observation that “aspects are within us, and who seems most kingly is the king”. I mean could we choose someone walking down Samora Machel Avenue to lead us just because we liked that person’s beige suit, purple shirt and matching tie.  Surely we demand much more of those that would lead us?

In all the current heat around who is and is not a leader we should confront the frightening reality that we face a dearth of leadership in all spheres – politics, business, religion, civil society and the unions. We remain underwhelmed by a leadership that is divisive, uninspiring, confusing, contradictory and unstrategic. Where then is the leadership that will understand that Africa is on the brink of a fundamental economic and social transformation and thus will make those earth-shattering vision statements that will galvanise us towards a common cause? Where is the leadership that will make us re-imagine Zimbabwe? Who will rise above the bigotry of patriarchy, tribalism and racism?

Those that wish to lead should put their houses in order and those homes are the political parties, government, the private sector, the universities and colleges, the unions, the civil society organisations, the churches and the student movement.

In our political parties there is no culture of robust debate – that necessary contestation of ideas that moves a nation forward. You read through manifestos and congress resolutions and you are amazed at the hotchpotch of uncritical statements strung together in the language of overzealous college students. You listen to their message and you wonder at the lack of coherence. In the case on one party how are they able to issue four different statements on a single issue? Does anyone there understand Communication 101? Or just the basic principle of disciplining the message? But is there a coherent message in the first place?

Civil society’s debacles at the SADC summit last month should have provided an occasion for a frank re-assessment of our supposed collective vision. There we were in Sandton chasing one whisky after the other – waiting for the superheroes to come from Harare and give direction. Those sent ahead had no clue where to begin. Needless to say the end-result was a Tower of Babel – a symphony of cacophony that exposed the faultlines in our supposed single goal of creating a democratic Zimbabwe.

For now it is back to what we know best – self-aggrandisement, grandstanding, competition for resources, duplication of efforts and the usual 3-year strategies tied to donor strategies. Still there is a slight possibility that those activists that still have any principles will ask how we it will be possible to give birth to a new reality when we are locked into constantly shifting external funding strategies. How can we change the political, economic and social edifice of Zimbabwe when we have no sustainable frameworks that inform our vision beyond parroting the usual refrains of good governance outside of the wider context?

On the other hand, I do not know how many young people in civil society today would say they are being mentored or groomed for leadership. Many wallow under the tyranny of the founder-director – of people who are so insecure they see conspirators in every nook. We have chairpersons of organisations who assume executive powers and destroy the potential of people. We have appointed directors of organisations who could never be able to organize a birthday party for a three year old that wishes to invite six friends.

In business we confront the usual same old clique – brilliant at managing businesses they inherited and not great at fostering creativity and innovation. They shout from the rooftop on how the state should protect their shoddy products and services from foreign competition. They don’t invest in the ideas of a younger generation – there is, after all, golf, whisky and “small houses” to take care of. To add salt to injury, those that we thought represented a new generation of entrepreneurs have turned out to be merely a little bit more sophisticated in their thieving than your regular pickpocket at Mbare Musika.

If Charles Mzingeli, that gallant trade unionist of the 1930’s to 50s were to rise from the grave what would he say about the state of trade unionism in our teapot-shaped nation? Would he use the same excuses of decimation of the worker base and the ravages of the last decade to explain the retreat by the unionists from their historical role and giving up space to political and educated elites? Would Mzingeli see in the perennial schism of elites and workers the very battle he had against nationalist leaders like George Nyandoro?

In grappling with the challenge of producing leaders and ensuring there is a successor generation we have tried the route of leadership academies, of books and more books on the subject (Deepak Chopra, Rudy Giuliani, Bismarck, even Alex Ferguson) and countless one day events where you pay top dollar to be told what you already knew. Some have remained in the trenches – the unions and the student movement. But the question remains nagging: where are the fruits of that knowledge and experience?

We need kenge “superheroes” and superheroes to come of their hiding places and speak their minds without fear of being labelled by powerful elites.

Leaders should lead.

Statement on Mbare Violence by Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace in Zimbabwe:

A Plea To Politicians: Respect Human Rights and Dignity for Mbare Residents

The Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace in Zimbabwe (CCJPZ) is appealing to political parties and politicians as well as the youths to stop violence and respect human rights and human dignity of the people who live in Mbare. Violence in Mbare, since the beginning of this year is largely political. The organising points have been Carter House and Paget House in Mbare. This area is close to a place where some people, especially those who are HIV positive, collect their anti-retroviral drugs (ARVs). But the place has become so unapproachable and inhospitable that some of the victims of violence are now afraid to go and collect their drugs.  Systematic about the violence is that it is imported; most people behind the violence are not permanent residents in the area, but have been ‘shipped’ from other areas.

The Commission believes that diversity is a positive value that can be used for the betterment of the country, but it seems we are destroying that diversity and forcing people to follow certain political positions.  The victims of violence say they are being punished for their democratic rights of participating in political associations of their choice. But our experience has shown that politicians will never win votes by beating and killing their perceived opponents. The best way of winning votes is by promoting human rights and human dignity. How, for example, can a person (and his family, relatives etc.) who dislocated his jaw as a result of political violence would vote for the political party responsible for dislocating it?

Usually, a family house is the safest place where an individual can seek refuge.  But in Mbare, there are politically related groups that force their way into private property of those with alternative political mindsets, confiscating household goods and other personal property. In extreme cases, some families in Mbare supporting a particular political position have lost their houses to people who belong to other political parties. Buying and (re)selling opportunities, some of the most forms of   survival strategies in Mbare have been availed on partisan basis. Vending positions, flea market tables have also been politicised. All this is happening amidst tense, but implicit political violence. Families have been broken by the violence, and some men have to go and see their families at night to avoid being caught by the politically dogmatic groups. Is this the freedom that claimed gallant daughters and sons of the soil during the liberation struggle?

However, all these scenarios do not only undermine the Universal Declaration of Human Rights – the will of the people shall be the basis of the authority of government and guaranteeing to everyone the right that are essential for effective political participation – but are also against the Gospel values and principles which the Church follows. They undermine the principle of the Common Good which requires that political, economic and the social order should ‘allow people, either as groups or as individuals, to make independent choices to reach their fulfilment more fully and more easily’. The political violence in Mbare also undermines the principle of human dignity, the human worthiness that we derive from God who loved us first and created us in his own image. It is instructive to consider every ‘neighbour without exception as another self, taking into account first of all his life and the means necessary for living it with dignity’. Every political, economic, social, scientific and cultural programme must be inspired by the awareness of the primacy of each human being over society. CCJPZ therefore advises the politicians, political parties and the youths to desist from violence in Mbare to enable citizens to live their normal lives. END!

30 June 2011

A.M Chaumba, National Director.

Last month I went to the MPOI (Mass Public Opinion Institute) panel discussion on security sector reform. Interesting, but some panelists did not speak on the security sector at all. One of the most interesting/disturbing/amusing panelists was Mr. Goodson Nguni, of Zanu PF. Wow, are some of them racists!

All his presentation – supposedly Zanu PF policy on security sector reform – was, “we will not let the whites take over”. I must assume these are all whites in general, as I know of no white involved in security, and there were only two whites in the room, myself and the panelist Mr. Matyszak. The implication, I assume, was that the MDC was a white party. Which was something I did not know. When I was a member, I was of a very small minority.

And secondly, two months ago, while painting MacDonald Park pool, I was asked by the local area (Zanu PF) Chairman if I would consider being the local area Zanu PF Treasurer. So I am left to wonder some more. On the one hand, I am being asked to join them in a senior position (take over their money), on the other hand, their stated aim is not to let the whites (and I am quite sure I am one) take over. So I am forced to consider – amongst all the multiple political parties, and splits, and mergers, etc. are there now two Zanu PFs? The Zanu PF (Rational) Party, and Zanu PF (I am completely out of my tiny little mind) Party? Not that I joined either.

The audience also found some humour in his presentation. There was a lot of sniggering going on. A couple of people stood up and walked out, and from their asides as they were leaving, and the sniggers in response, they found something amusing!

A woman a couple of seats down asked me why I did not respond. I just shrugged. First, it did not need any response. Second, while I may be a racist, I do my best to avoid racial discrimination. And I was there to hear about security sector reform, not engage in a racist debate with a rabid racist. I thought the RF was gone? As a racist (which I think we all are), I notice what colour skin you have. Just as, as a sexist, I notice if you are male of female (I love females!) and as an ageist, I notice how old you are. Discrimination involves taking some action for or against someone depending on their predisposition (skin colour, sex, age). So the Zanu PF policy, as pronounced by Mr. Nguni, is racial discrimination. It involves taking action (keeping them out) based on a skin colour (white). This is a bit disturbing. As a Zimbabwean, I am to be kept out of my national security! However, I console myself by believing that he is only one of the Zanu PFs out there. And the Zanu PF in my area, judging by my area chairman, considers me a Zimbabwean.

According to the latest Parliamentary Update from the Southern African Parliamentary Support Trust (SAPST), the Thematic Committee on Human Rights has prepared the committee’s first report on the state of prisons and prisoners in Zimbabwe.

Following visits to Harare Central Prison, Chikurubi Maximum Prison, Mutare Prison, Mutimurefu Prison and Whawha, the committee made a number of observations including:

• Prisoners’ living conditions left a lot to be desired mainly due to budgetary constraints. Inadequate funding made it difficult for the ZPS to operate effectively and prisoners found the life in prison hazardous, as they had to make do without most of life’s basic necessities.
• Prisoners’ diet, uniforms, bedding, transport to take them to referral hospitals and courts, constant supply of medication especially ARVs and ablution facilities were critical for the health of the prisoners while they serve their sentences.
• Mutare Remand Prison Complex was in a dilapidated state and needed refurbishment as a matter of urgency as it was no longer fit for human habitation. There was need for urgent maintenance to avoid eruption of diseases and other communicable infections. The complex was built with punitive intentions during the colonial period and should be renovated to suit a Rehabilitation Centre.
• Nursing mothers in prisons fed their children from the rations they received. Children were being forced to survive on sadza served with beans and/or vegetables. Lack of balanced diet affected the growth of these children. There were no crèches/pre schools for these children and this affected their rights to basic education.
• The Committee noted with great concern the length of time the prisoners stayed on remand especially those convicted of murder, stock theft, robbery and rape. Some had gone for more than 6 years without trial.
• Young offenders were affected by lack of transport to transport them to Whawha Young Offenders Prison and sometimes stayed at Remand Prisons for more than 3 years. There were no facilities at the Remand prison to protect young offenders from being sexually molested by adults.
• Lack of balanced diet was another critical issue that was raised by inmates. A number of inmates showed signs of malnutrition.
• The Committee noted lack of legal representation for most of the prisoners. Most of the prisoners said that they did not afford lawyers and they had lost their cases even if they were innocent because they would be competing with those that were fortunate enough to have legal representation.

Kind of curious really that Zanu PF says civil servants can’t get a pay rise because of Western Sanctions. Meanwhile MPs salaries and associated benefits aren’t affected by Western Sanctions. The real impact of sanctions is being minimised by Zanu PF’s most pathetic stance that absolutely everything wrong with Zimbabwe is because of Western Sanctions, and nothing else. Get real guys, you’re looking stupid.

Here is an excerpt from the latest bulletin from the Southern African Parliamentary Support Trust:

Motion on the Plight of Civil Servants

Hon. Moses Mare (MDC-T Chiredzi West) seconded by Hon. Greenbate Dongo (MDC-T Goromonzi South) introduced a motion in the House regarding the “low levels of remuneration for civil servants and everyone paid through the Treasury”. The motion noted that the country’s resources were not being utilized in the best interest of the nation, in particular the lack of transparency in the distribution of the proceeds raised from the sale of the diamonds at Chiadzwa. The motion further bemoaned the existence of “ghost workers” who were drawing salaries from the fiscus.

The motion called upon the House to;

- Ensure that all proceeds from previous sales of diamonds from Chiadzwa are properly accounted for and remitted to Treasury;

- Put in place the necessary legislation and mechanism to enable Treasury to take full control of all diamonds mined in the country;

- Ensure that all minerals are sold to the best advantage of the country;

- Remove all ghost workers from the Government payroll and;

Members across the political divide were generally agreed on the dire plight of civil servants in the country, they differed on the causes of the situation. MDC-T Members blamed what they called mismanagement of resources, especially proceeds from the mining sector, in particular proceeds from the Chiadzwa diamond fields, corruption and “ghost workers”.

On the other hand, some ZANU PF Members argued that government was not able to pay civil servants decent salaries because of the “economic sanctions imposed by the West” on Zimbabwe. There was also unanimity by backbenchers that the issue of civil servants’ salaries should be depoliticized and focus more attention on ways of improving the economic situation and broadening the revenue base so that government can be able to pay its workers decent salaries.