Liz, a participant on Kubatana’s recent workshop on creative organising had this to say:

My mind today was put to a tactful journey as I was give the opportunity to visualise the tactics of information activism. An ordinary day surely does not pass without one’s mind being put to task, but mine today was used differently! Listening to how various organisations the world over have and are making use of technology to turn information into action (Kubatana Trust of Zimbabwe being included), had me inspired as I was writing the tactics down. Nothing was so new or out of this world, but what in some aspect made it new  was the way the organisations used them to get their objectives accomplished.

Tactic number 7 really challenged me. ‘Use Complex Data’, by Access Info helps to advance the right to know by publishing budgetary information on their website for the public to access. I asked myself why such an informative website does not exist in my country?? Come to think of it, parastatals are required to issue their expenditure accounts freely to the public….but reality check! This is not happening in Zimbabwe. The protocol and bureaucracy which one has to go through to access this kind of information will make you so tired before you even complete the process…guess its a means of never trying to expose corruption.

The rapid changes in technology surely brings about a greater and dynamic opportunity for information sharing thereby contributing to the success of CSOs’s advocacy. But just as we embrace these technologies some countries are presented with new methods of suppression, censorship and breaches of privacy. For example in Tunisia, You Tube was banned. In Zimbabwe the registration of cellphone lines is being hotly debated.

My experience therefore makes my eyes stare and look closely at a direction I used to just glance at, rekindle some dreams I had shelved under my pillow, open my mouth to say a word or two on issues I’ve been keeping quiet about.

“Creating DMZs – Everyone’s Responsibility”

The Book Café, Fife Ave Mall (upstairs)
Thursday 25 November, 2010 – 5.30-7pm

Speakers: Jona Gokova (Crisis Coalition), Netty Musanhu (Musasa Project), 3rd Speaker (TBC) and Chaired by Sally Dura

This year marks the 20th 16 Days of Activism Against Gender Violence Campaign, and with this important landmark, The Book Café Gender Forum takes cognizance of the struggles all around the world to fight all forms of violence.  The 2010 campaign theme is Structures of Violence: Defining the Intersections of Militarism and Violence Against Women.

How is this relevant to present day Zimbabwe?  It is important to note that Zimbabwe is not exempt from militarism, she is emerging from periods of gross human rights violations especially those that occurred in 2008 during the election campaign period as well as during the elections.

“To embrace militarism is to presume that everyone has enemies and that violence is an effective way to solve problems. To leave militaristic ways of thinking unchallenged is to leave certain forms of masculinities privileged, to leave global hierarchies of power firmly in place, to grant impunity to wartime perpetrators of violence against women.”

Recently there were spurts of violence during constitution outreach meetings and soon in 2011 Zimbabwe is expected to go through the electoral process again.  This comes too soon for a nation that is trying to heal from recent wounds.  How can men and women help create safe and tolerant communities let alone be safe whilst at it in a politically volatile situation?

The Book Café Gender Forum invites you to its one-year anniversary as well as engage in the discussion under the topic “Creating DMZs (demilitarised zones) – Everyone’s Responsibility.” Started in November, 2009 by Pamberi Trust an arts development organization based at The Book Café in Harare the forum is aimed at contributing to initiatives of advancing gender equality and promoting women’s rights in Zimbabwe.

The Gender Forum has successfully managed to attract attendance from a varied cross section of the Harare’s population.  This is a monthly discussion, targeting human rights activists, members of civic society, women artists and members of the general public.

The discussion is FREE and all are welcome.

Promise Mkwananzi suggests that massive protests by Zimbabweans will be the only way to get rid of the Mugabe regime. In his article below he appeals to the MDC to restore and strengthen their support with “grass roots oriented” organisations like ZINASU, the NCA and the ZCTU. Of course it’s questionable how much of a real constituency any of these NGOs actually has. But recently at the Progress in Zimbabwe conference held in Bulawayo, social and political commentator John Makumbe said that dictators do not hand over power through democratic means. Listen to John here, and read more of Promise below:

ZANU PF has repeated its mantra that they will not allow MDC-T to rule the country. The seriousness of their utterances can only be ignored at one`s own peril. This is exacerbated by an even more worrying development of declaring Robert Mugabe President for life. These are no illusionary rumbles, ZANU PF means it. This makes it clear that whatever reforms, if any, will be reached, the election will simply be another terrific war. Despite that, MDC will win that election because ZANU PF has no more support base whatsoever. Thus, in my view, you could for example repeal POSA, AIPPA etc but still retain the same undesirable conditions which they created, or even worse. This is because ZANU PF is not going to adhere to the normative legal/political/constitutional/ frameworks. They are just going to bar MDC rallies without any pretence of any sort of legal basis. They will either simply say you cannot meet or just send police and militia to come and beat the hell out of you, without having to explain anything. If they do this once or twice, you will be sure that MDC rallies will be a no-go area. ZANU PF will simply ignore international condemnation from the West while SADC/AU will just watch and declare the elections as unfair but still recognize Mugabe as President. They might even suggest fresh negotiations aimed at another GNU with ZANU PF in charge. Nevertheless, in a secret ballot, the MDC will and can still win the elections. In this dramatic scenario, I am trying to illustrate how much it will not be enough to simply rely on the normative democratic institutions alone. From the look of things, winning an election will not enough for one to govern. However elections provide a very good basis to launch a mass uprising against Mugabe and drive him out of office for good. This is especially so if Mugabe would, despite his violent campaign still lose the election dismally.

This by the way is a very likely scenario.  The first round of elections in 2008 provides a perspective. Soon after the election counting was done and rumors began to filter that the MDC had won the election. Impeccable sources have it on record that many in ZANU PF were preparing to flee. However, because the MDC still believed so much in the goodness of ZANU PF they helped calm the people by urging them to be patient until the results were officially announced. One might argue that this was a strategy to ensure that there is no chaos, which could provide ZANU PF with an excuse to declare state of emergency and suspend the results altogether. On hindsight, the calmness did not work in favor of the MDC. In fact, it allowed ZANU PF time to recuperate, re-strategize and launch a massive come back. ZANU PF went ahead to operate a de-facto state of emergency, leading to a violent June sham. We all know what happened. In 2002, again the MDC restrained its supporters, urged calm and hoped that Chidyausiku would nullify Mugabe`s victory. Of course Chidyausiku did not and will not that.

That is the premise of my argument: that under an authoritarian regime; you cannot rely on normative institutions alone. There is need for that extra push to be provided by the masses. The big question of course is whether the people are ready for such a costly enterprise, and my answer is yes, why not. The leadership must mobilize conscientize and prepare the people for this. There is no alternative to this. This would include mass protests such as stay aways, boycotts, demonstrations etc-compounded with the election defeat; such a situation will put Mugabe regime in a weaker position and will provide the international community with enough bases to pressure Mugabe to step down. It is also my contention that the rank and file of our coercive state machinery is sick and tired and want change. However, before the civilians can shake the corridors of ZANU PF rule, they remain limited in what they can do.  That is why it has become so imperative for the MDC to restore its relations with its grass roots oriented alliances such as ZINASU, NCA,  ZCTU and others who will be very crucial in this seemingly impossible task. There is need for further deliberative engagement!

A recent statement from Reporters Without Borders:

Bill would restrict public access to official information

Reporters Without Borders calls for the withdrawal of bill which is about to be submitted to parliament and which would allow the authorities to block public access to official documents including judicial decisions, new legislation and public records.

Announced on 22 October and called the “General Law Amendment Bill,” the proposed law’s sole aim seems to be to place additional obstacles in the way of access to information and thereby hamper the work of the media even more.

“Drafted by members of the coalition government’s Zanu-PF wing, led by President Robert Mugabe, this bill would just aggravate the already precarious situation for Zimbabwe’s media,” Reporters Without Borders secretary-general Jean-François Julliard said. “It is a political manoeuvre designed to prevent any critical examination of the government’s actions.”

Julliard added: “The bill is extremely dangerous as it would allow the authorities to adopt unjust measures without anyone knowing and without anyone being able to protest. It shows that the government is rejecting transparency in favour of secrecy and abuse of authority.”

Under the proposed law, the publication of any government document would require prior permission from the authorities. A human rights group or a journalist, for example, would need the justice minister’s permission to publish a judicial decision affecting the public’s rights. This would restrict the ability of ordinary citizens to monitor what the authorities do and, as such, it is contrary to the principles of good governance.

The bill’s announcement has coincided with a number of developments in recent weeks that have raised concerns about a renewed crackdown on the media. The government announced at the start of this month that no licences would be issued to new radio or TV stations. Two journalists, Nkosana Dhalmini and Andrison Manyere, were arrested while covering a public debate at the end of last month and were held for two days.

And an arrest warrant was issued last week for The Zimbabwean editor Wilf Mbanga in connection with an article critical of President Mugabe that was published after the 2008 elections. Mbanga has lived in London for the past six years.

Zimbabwe already has two laws that throttle free expression. One is the Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA), adopted in 2002. The other is the Interception of Communications Act, adopted in August 2007. The coalition government made significant efforts to limit their negative effects earlier this year, for example, by issuing licences to several privately-owned dailies. This bill constitutes a major step backwards.

Cyrano De Bergerac’s love, Roxanne, has at last acknowledged him.

“Let the world go burn! She knows I live! Oh, for an army to attack, a host! I have ten hearts; I have a hundred arms; I feel. Too strong to war with mortals – Bring me giants!”