Left Harare on 21 Jan. Got a ride to the office, then to the airport, plane delayed by 2 hours, but we finally got to Nairobi (via Dar Es Salaam). Friday, got a flight to Goma. Flying over the great lakes region shows that it has heavy land use. Every scrap of ground has something on it, and very hilly ground too.

In Goma, we have to produce passports and yellow fever vaccine certificates. Jean Pierre and Ali take us to the VIP Palace Hotel. No view of the lake, as promised in the brochure, but lunch is fish and chips. A whole fish, fins, scales, tail, head and all, and it will not fit on the plate! What a change from Zimbabwe. Went for a walk after lunch. There are herds of goats, people washing motorcycles at the side of the lake with lake water, few people swimming (no crocodiles in this lake, sulfurous gases), and the traffic! Notwithstanding that the roads are basically two rut tracks, there are vehicles all over them. And motorcycles – small 125 roadsters – with two people on them and looking for a another passenger. In Goma, they make their own bicycles. All in wood. Two wheels, frame, handlebars. No brakes, no pedals. But it is a bicycle nevertheless. Loaded with stuff (wood, charcoal) and pushed along, or ridden downhill.

There are no buildings over 4 stories in Bukavu, and very few that are two. All wall dominant architecture though. Very continental European. The influence of Bauhaus and Gropius is strong in some houses. Few tile roofs mainly sheet metal. It rains all the time. And the architecture is very ‘peculiar’. I am now staying in a house where the only way into my room is through the bathroom. Has a window to the outside, but you have to go from my room to the bathroom (and hope no one is using it) then into the sitting room. Weird.

Shopping in Bukavu is quite a different thing. There are no ‘shops’, but plenty of vendor kiosks to structures of two rooms selling everything from computer printers and coke. Repackaged sugar (from a 20 kg to 20 x 1 kg plastic scrap bags). Shirts, and tins of beans. I watched someone selling oil (cooking oil) from a tub, pouring it into ‘bring your own bottles’. Everyone sells whatever they can to make a profit on that day.

More later.

The agreement to form a government of national unity between ZANU PF and the two MDC formations has been concluded, raising hopes for Zimbabweans to pick up the pieces and start rebuilding the country.

The GNU, signed by the three political parties namely ZANU PF represented by its President, Robert Mugabe, MDC-T by President, Morgan Tsvangirai and MDC represented by Professor Arthur Mutambara has come at a time when Zimbabwe is experiencing economic meltdown of immense proportions with all economic indicators pointing to a collapsing economy. The agreement has come at a time when Zimbabwens are exhausted and weary and are leaving the country in droves as they see no prospects for positive change both politically and economically. They see no prospect for change if the regime of Robert Mugabe is not democratically transformed so that it seriously addresses the issues that at the core of the citizen’s needs. The agreement has come in at a time when there seems to be no consensus both at home and abroad on what should be done first in order to deliver change to the people of Zimbabwe.

While there is a general agreement among political analysts both locally and internationally, that the agreement could have given ZANU PF breathing space to re-strategize, entrench itself and ultimately destroy the opposition, there is equally strong arguments that support the agreement and see it as the prescription that will turn the fortunes of Zimbabwe.

Given that the agreement was signed at the behest of the regional grouping, SADC as its under writers, one gets solace in that the regional body would want to ensure that the agreement succeeds. While the history of ZANU PF will vindicate those who argue that the agreement will fail because of ZANU PF’s unreliability and insincerity to the observance of the agreement, it is equally true that ZANU PF has never been subjected to an embarrassing electoral defeat such as the one handed to them by the MDC. This is likely to force ZANU PF to take a serious view of the power-sharing arrangement, as they would want to use it to restore some measure of respectability on the electoral loss suffered at the hands of MDC.

The MDC on the other hand has the opportunity to prove to all and sundry that the future of  Zimbabwe belongs to them and if given the opportunity to govern, they are an excellent alternative. One other aspect that works in favour of the MDC is the economy which seems to have bolted out of the control of ZANU PF and has over a decade shown to be their greatest opposition. ZANU PF cannot and will not turnaround the economy. If as expected under the inclusive government, the economy begins to work positively whether on account of the removal of sanctions or not, credit will go to the MDC. ZANU PF has had its fair share of 29 years of total failure and Zimbabweans are well aware of that.

One argument that has been proffered is that ZANU PF has allocated itself all the powerful security Ministries and will thus prevail over the opposition.  While this might sound true, I do not believe the allegiance and sympathy of Zimbabweans is earned on account of the power of force that one yields but rather on the fulfilment of promises that one has made to the Zimbabwean people. The ball is in the court of the opposition to prove to Zimbabweans that they can walk the talk by fulfilling the promises made over the years during their struggle for the democratisation of Zimbabwe.

An SW Radio Africa headline caught my eye the other day: MDC say they will not be held ‘prisoner’ in unity deal.

The Tsvangirai MDC has moved to reassure sceptical supporters that it will not be held ‘prisoner’ in a government of national unity with ZANU PF. Speaking to Newsreel on Monday, party spokesman Nelson Chamisa said if for any reason the deal failed to work they would have no hesitation in walking out.

Well. The MDC may not be held prisoner. But Zimbabwe Peace Project Director Jestina Mukoko certainly is. She was abducted over two months ago, on 3 December 2008. She was missing for three weeks, with the police claiming not to know where she was. She was found 23 December – in police custody! Since then, she has been accused of “banditry,” and has had a series of court appearances, none of which seem to be getting her any closer to freedom.

Today, High Court Justice Alphas Chitakunye rejected her latest application for bail, saying that he couldn’t grant bail because Jestina “had yet to be advised by a court on her charges.”

So this woman, who was arrested after the Global Political Agreement was signed now won’t be released, after the inclusive government has been finalised? You’ve had this woman, and her six co-accused, for two months and you haven’t even charged them yet?

Surely the issue of these detainees is a litmus test for this new government. Write to MDC-M and MDC-T and remind them that whilst pro-democracy activists remain detained and disappeared, none of us are free, and that the spirit of the inclusive government is flawed. And if you hear back from them, let us know what they say!

Lionel, a Kubatana subscriber, shares his views with us on the Government of National Unity.

A new so called era has emerged where a unity government of some form has been developed to help us move forward. Let us beware of such moves because this ploy was done back in 1987. Look what it has done to our beautiful country. Completely plundered by Hagar and his Horribles. History must not be repeated and forgotten now. The history of our country was cleverly removed by a despot who wanted to start a new leaf. He did start a new leaf again by ridding our country of many people considered not worthy of their own birth right. Who or whom gives this present regime the right to play God with our lives. They have destroyed our means of survival and yet they are still proud to strut their stuff. From now on we must criticise our so called leaders and they must now learn to accept criticism. Without healthy criticism the rot will continue and as we all have learnt by now, a massive wrong was done by those in power because we all kept quiet. Our friendly nature as Zimbabweans must be also looked at, because this is what has brought us down. We must act to see that all are involved in developing a new constitution and ensure the elected people only do one or two 4 year terms.

In an effort heed the advice of many of the people who have commented on my MDC sell outs blog, I’ve been reading up about what others have to say about MDC-T’s decision to join this new “inclusive government.” At the suggestion of my colleague, I thought I could make a little table – one column with commentators in favour of this move, the other column citing those more sceptical about it.

Unfortunately, my table as it stands is weighted heavily with the sceptics. And currently all the commentators I’ve seen referenced are men. I haven’t included any leaders of the parties that signed onto the deal, my theory being that of course they’d argue in favour of it; they signed it.

Anyone want to point me in the direction of a few more optimists?

Optimists

Tawanda Mukakiwa, a vendor – “This is a real attempt to address the crises in the country and in that respect the move deserves credit.”

Alex Magaisa – “The only hope is that should it join, the MDC will try to be to any opponents what Zanu PF was never able to manage when the MDC was in opposition. If that is possible, then at least the new arrangement would have achieved one important thing: to free space for political activity and therefore create a culture in which democracy can potentially thrive.”

——

Sceptics

John Makumbe – “The desperate people of Zimbabwe deserve better than a political fix that will keep Robert Mugabe in power.”

Wellington Chibhebhe – “A casual glance at the power-sharing pact only gave the MDC ‘administrative work’.”

Dale Dore – “No to the power-sharing deal! No to collusion with the Mugabe dictatorship!”

Brian Kagoro – “Firstly, there’s nothing national about it, secondly there’s absolutely no unity in it. So as an exercise in futility it’s a waste of precious time.”

Tendai Dumbutshena – “After the June 27 putsch by Robert Mugabe signs were always there that the MDC were headed for surrender. It officially happened on January 30, 2009 when the party hoisted a white flag on top of its Harvest House headquarters. What followed was a pathetic attempt by MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai to portray this decision to join the unity government without any of their conditions
being met as some sort of victory.”

Lovemore Madhuku – “It’s catastrophic. In so doing, Tsvangirai undermined the intention of the MDC to have a complete change.”

——

Reserving Judgement

Takavafira Zhou – “It brings hope on the surface that there may be better things to come and at the same time we remain sceptical.”

Daniel Molokele – “The big question that remains to be answered is whether or not the decision by the MDC to join up with Zanu-PF was a strategically wise one or not. Well as they say, the jury is still out on this one. Only time will tell!”

Here are some excerpts from a recent SW Radio hot seat interview. Brian Kagoro shares his views

On fighting Zanu PF from within
There is some serious fault in the logic that suggests that we will fight from within. What are we fighting from within? If the fight is against Robert Mugabe, well you know, that fight is a fight many of us were not necessarily part of. If the fight is for fundamental change, a change in principles, a change in political culture, that fight is a fight I believe every Zimbabwean has been engaged in. And that fight says, whether it be Tendai Biti, Morgan Tsvangirai, Priscilla, Welshman Ncube or Robert Mugabe, as long as they violate these agreed principles that constitute national consensus and consent then they fall foul and must be opposed. And irrespective of who they are, as long as they observe these particular principles, the sanctity of human life, the human dignity and right of all, that social, economic, cultural, environmental as well as the civil and political rights of people then they must be supported. This is what this fight has been about.

On large sums of money needed for Zimbabwe’s turnaround
My fear and I hope it’s not a harsh judgment, I have seen in Kenya, the attempt by the Kibaki government to use Raila Odinga as their public relations manager to spruce up their international image. My fear is that Tsvangirai will join Mbeki as Zanu-PF’s new public relations manager, international public relations manager. He will go, bowl in hand, begging for money to turn around the education sector, the health sector and whatever else. And this is likely to attract all sorts of issues and conditionalities on our country, and he invested a lot of his life within the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions opposing policy conditionalities. And given the abysmal decline of our economy and our governance, the West is quite likely to impose all sorts of irrational policy conditionalities on Zimbabwe. And it would be tragic to have someone who has been fighting for liberty, for liberation, human rights and freedoms to actually be the conduit through which this country takes back on that aid that is tied to policy conditionalities. He will become the new face of betrayal if he doesn’t carefully handle this particular issue.

On Tsvangirai becoming the target of discontent over problems he didn’t create
He is now joined with Mugabe, there will no longer be reference to Zanu and MDC, there will just be reference to the new face-lifted Zanu or the expanded Zanu-PF government. We refer to a government by the ruling party, so you know, it is a Zanu-PF led government, that’s what it will be and he’ll be part of that government and its failures and he will be part of those failures. There’s no point to continue trying to be leader of the opposition whilst you are in government. Once you are in government you are in government, there’s corporate responsibility of government, of cabinet. A corporate responsibility for successes and I certainly hope there will be many successes. Corporate responsibility for failures. One cannot to continue to extricate oneself and say, no I am not responsible. So it is a courageous position he has taken but huge consequences he must gladly live with.

How do the sceptics and the optimists make sense of this and move on?
All those of us who are sceptical maybe wrong, all those who are optimistic may be wrong. As Bob Marley once said, ‘only time will tell’. The triumphalism of the moment will dissipate; the reality of the situation will bite. Children have to go back to school, teachers have to go back and teach, health workers, our hospitals have to get medicine. Professionals who have fled to South Africa and elsewhere have to be brought back. People who have been victims of human rights violations have to be compensated. Those who have been responsible for torture, for murder, for abductions have to be brought to justice. Those who have been responsible for kleptomania, for plunder of natural and national resources have to pay back. The task of this expanded regime would be to deliver these things. If this expanded regime does not deliver this then it has an epitaph already written on its grave – here lies a marriage that was doomed from the beginning. Let’s hope that we are all wrong. Let’s hope for the sake of Zimbabwe that there is a commitment in Zanu-PF and in the two MDC clubs for a real transformative agenda. That there is a commitment to return this country, not just to an economically sound footing but also to a sustainably democratic and accountable culture of governance – where no one is above the law, where looters are brought to book. Let us hope for the sake of our beautiful country that this marriage of convenience, this polygamous marriage of convenience, unequal yoking of enemies will prove to be a workable solution.